शनिवार, 21 मई 2016

chor kaun

चौर कौन और कोतवाल कौन -----जाएँ तो जाएँ कहाँ ---- ??????????!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! The person like Vadra dare to label the nation as " Banana Republic" . It is shame to the countrymen-------and it is because that Modi Sarkar is in indulgence with the Jumalas , not doing the groundwork as well as not taking care of the crooks . Just cacophonies , no real lyrics--------Congress is worst than BJP and BJP is worse than Congress--------goes on in a spiral fashion--------------In BJP govt. , even Vadra is free to say " Banana Republic" in reference to the nation's governance -----------what a tragic and shameful paraphernalia !!!!!!!! I hate congress but not less than BJP , though.
चौर कौन और कोतवाल कौन -----जाएँ तो जाएँ कहाँ ----
??????????!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! समझें और समझाएं -------------------
पहल करें -------------पहिए का रुख बदलने का --------
मुश्किल है -----------ना मुमकिन तो नहीं
जागो, मेरे भाई जागो
शामिल हों: बदलाव की लड़ाई और तमन्ना
Join: Jago, Mere Bhai Jago

Abhay Vivek Aggroia



MODI JI KE 2 SAAL

2 years of Modi Govt: drought of ideas, drain of credibility



‘Achhe Din’ were supposed to have arrived in 2014, but didn’t. Even 2-years later, there is no trace of its much hyped arrival. In fact, the past 2-year period has been an exercise in creating circumstances that are antithetical to the sustenance of ‘Achhe Din’. But can a Government stoop to such lows that they start working against the interests of its own people?

Shri Narendra Modi’s crony capitalist friends invested heavily in his 2014 election campaign. They were instrumental in designing, funding & executing his surreal campaign and creating a demigod like aura around his person. 
So when the time came, it was obvious they would ask for returns. On 26 May 2014, Shri Modi became the Prime Minister of India, but the backrooms of his new Government had already been taken up by his corporate friends.

Their first targets were India’s farmers. Within the first 6 months itself, Modi Government initiated one of the most brazen attempts to capture the land of farmers – first through Amendments to UPA’s pro-farmer Land Acquisition Law and then through a series of Ordinances. They failed, and had to retreat in face of spirited opposition put up by the Congress party. 

Modi Government’s policy decisions & priorities are heavily skewed against the interests of India’s poor, farmers, labourers & unusually inclined towards the interests of few big business houses. 

The attitude of the Modi Government can be been summed up by their inaction & indifference in handling 2 years of drought. Cabinet Minister Ms. Uma Bharti even went on record saying “no one can prepare for a drought,” and when the Indian Railways sent a ‘water train’ to Maharashtra it sent a ‘bill’ for Rs 2 crore to the State Government. These two incidents are clear indicators that to the Modi administration farmers don’t matter. 

Shri Modi came to power comparing his performance with that of the UPA. Yet even a cursory glance at the data will show that the growth in Rural Income under UPA was 30%, while under the NDA it has only been 6%. Under the BJP, the average MSP increase has been a paltry 3% per annum, while under the Congress led UPA it averaged 14.87% per annum. 

Under the Modi Government, production of pulses and food grains have fallen from 5.99 million tonnes to 5.36 million tonnes for pulses, and 128.7 million tonnes to 124.2 million tonnes, respectively, between 2013 and 2015. For the farmer, the simple of act of farming has ceased to be profitable. 

An RTI application reveals that the profit margin to grow Urad Dal in 2014-15 stood at a paltry 33 paise/kg. Why would a farmer grow pulses for this rate of return? As the population grows, so does the demand for food. But the Modi administration doesn’t understand this, or rather, does not want to understand it.  

In times of drought, the BJP in its hubris has chosen to either ignore or look the other way when landmark legislations of the UPA, which could have been used to help the rural population, were being poorly implemented. MGNREGA has seen only 1.8% of the eligible people get 150 days of work in drought-hit states. Food Security Act has been implemented in only fits and starts. Caught in the middle of BJPs vendetta politics, the Indian farmers is starving, jobless & dying of thirst. 

The BJP likes to tout the difference between India and Bharat, the urban and the rural, and how they are the defenders of rural India. Yet under the watchful gaze of the Prime Minister, farmer suicides have grown by 209%! From 969 farmer suicides in 2014, this number has increased to 2993 in 2015. And this number is merely farmers who were forced to commit suicide because of crop related reasons, ignoring all systemic pressures which are placed on the farmer by a heartless Government. 

When the Government releases latest data in July, the number of farmers who have committed suicide will be significantly higher. To put it in perspective, in Maharashtra alone, as per a reply in the State Assembly, 3228 farmers have committed suicide, significantly higher than the official All-India number. 

This Government has convinced itself that rhetoric equals sound policy and effective action. But, Shri Narendra Modi should remember good rhetoric, devoid of substance, will not feed the farmer, nor improve the agriculture economy, which grew at 1% in 2015, after falling by 0.2% in 2014.

- See more at: http://inc.in/In-focus/759/2-years-of-Modi-Govt-drought-of-ideas-drain-of-credibility#sthash.sgpMjGzm.dpuf

INDIAN EXPRESS--May 14,2016

As the Narendra Modi government completes two years in a few days’ time, it could well be asked: Has it been two years since the BJP stopped campaigning and started governing — really? It’s not a rhetorical question. Take a look at the images of the last few days, in the run-up to the two-year anniversary. The prime minister, deep in the heat and grime of assembly poll battle, comparing Kerala to Somalia, provoking a reaction much like the one he did last year in Bihar, where his barb about Nitish Kumar’s DNA lent ballast to an entire campaign from the other side, Bihari vs Bahari. The NDA government forced to retreat by the Supreme Court and the floor test in Uttarakhand, where it has been accused of trying to topple yet another government in an Opposition-ruled state. The Modi government on the offensive against the Congress in Parliament over the controversial AgustaWestland helicopter deal, armed with rhetoric but without the homework to match the shouting. These images are eloquent. They speak of a government at the Centre that is yet to pronounce the battle over and call an end to the hostilities. Two years later, it’s still 2014.
To an extent, the crowded election calendar in this country demands a constant battle-readiness from parties. And a healthy antagonism between government and opposition is a feature of a robust democracy. But the BJP’s unending bellicosity is about more than just that. As the party that rules the Centre, it needs to draw crucial distinctions. Even as it faces off with the Congress and other Opposition parties in state assembly arenas, it must, at the same time, engage them in a conversation in Parliament to push its own agenda, especially in the Rajya Sabha where it lacks a majority. In the last two years, however, there is little evidence of attempted political outreach, and even less of a follow-through. By all accounts, the BJP appears to be allowing its slogan of “Congress-mukt Bharat” to get the better of its dialogue with other parties and its own judgement, and even push it onto constitutionally slippery ground as in Uttarakhand. It is true that Prime Minister Modi shoulders the burden of being his party’s lead campaigner. But both he and his party must be mindful of the fact that his no-holds-barred immersion in the heated poll battle also singes his office — the PM must, in all circumstances, be a figure larger than the leader of his own party and he must be seen to be so too.
The BJP must ask itself why, two years into government, it looks angry and resentful — a polariser and a settler of old scores, rather than the party elected with a large mandate to break with the past and build anew.
- See more at: http://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/editorials/two-years-of-modi-govt-2799429/#sthash.3dRlyC42.dpuf

चुनाव परिणाम और ‘सत्तामुखापेक्षी‘ मीडिया देश में भाजपा की नहीं, बल्कि क्षेत्रीय दलों की हैसियत बढ़ी है असम में बुरी हार का शिकार हुई कांग्रेस को भाजपा की तुलना में ढाई लाख वोट ज्यादा मिले हैं।



सुशील उपाध्याय

हिंदी का मेन-स्ट्रीम मीडिया मुख्यतः ‘सत्ता-सापेक्ष‘ है


चुनाव परिणाम और ‘सत्तामुखापेक्षी‘ मीडिया

देश में भाजपा की नहीं, बल्कि क्षेत्रीय दलों की हैसियत बढ़ी है

असम में बुरी हार का शिकार हुई कांग्रेस को भाजपा की तुलना में ढाई लाख वोट ज्यादा ले हैं।

सुशील उपाध्याय, लेखक वरिष्ठ पत्रकार हैं।सुशील उपाध्याय, लेखक वरिष्ठ पत्रकार हैं।
पांच राज्यों के विधानसभा चुनाव परिणाम के वक्त हिंदी मीडिया ने एक बार पुनः इस बात की पुष्टि कर दी कि ‘सत्ता-सापेक्ष’ होना ही उसका ‘सत्य’ है। हिंदी अखबारों और चैनलों ने पाठकों/दर्शकों तक तटस्थ भाव से सूचनाएं पहुंचाने और अंतिम-निष्कर्ष प्रस्तुत करने से बचने जैसी बातों की अनदेखी की। मीडिया के सुर से ऐसा लगा कि भाजपा ने देश को कांग्रेस-मुक्त करने के लक्ष्य को हासिल कर लिया है। जबकि, आंकड़े एकदम अलग दिशा में इशारा कर रहे थे। मीडिया की तटस्थता को परखने के लिहाज से पांच राज्यों के चुनावी आंकड़ों को तीन मानकों पर देख सकते हैं, पहला-
इन पांच राज्यों में अलग-अलग पार्टियों की सरकार बनी है। असम में भाजपा, बंगाल में तृणमूल, तमिलनाड़ू में अन्नाडीएमके, केरल में वाम मोर्चा और पांडिचेरी में कांग्रेस ने सरकार बनाई है।
दूसरा मानक इन पांच राज्यों में विभिन्न पार्टियों को मिली सीटें हो सकती हैं, जो इस प्रकार है-
तृणमूल को 211
अन्ना डीएमके को 138
कांग्रेस को 115
वाम मोर्चे को 109
डीएमके को 91
भाजपा को 64
तीसरा मानक ये है कि पांचों राज्यों में उपर्युक्त छह प्रमुख पार्टियों को कितने-कितने वोट हासिल हुए। विभिन्न पार्टियों को मिले वोटों की संख्या कई लोगों को हैरत में डाल देगी, क्योंकि हिंदी मीडिया के ‘इंटेंट एंड कंटेंट’, दोनों से ऐसा लगा कि सारे के सारे वोट भाजपा को ही मिल गए हैं।
सबसे ज्यादा वोट तृणमूल को मिले जो कि 245.64 लाख हैं।
इसके बाद कांग्रेस का नंबर है। कांग्रेस ने 197.54 लाख वोट हासिल किए।
तीसरा स्थान अन्नाडीएमके का है। इस पार्टी को 177.10 लाख लोगों ने वोट दिया।
कुल वोटों की संख्या के लिहाज से भाजपा चौथे नंबर पर है। उसे 139 लाख लोगों ने मत दिया।
इसके बाद क्रमशः डीएमके और वाम मोर्चा का नंबर है जिन्होंने क्रमशः 137.40 और 128 लाख वोट पाए हैं।
अब इन आंकड़ों को हिंदी के मुख्यधारा के मीडिया के सुर से मिलाकर देखें तो आसानी से इस निष्कर्ष पर पहुंचा जा सकता है कि हिंदी का मेन-स्ट्रीम मीडिया मुख्यतः ‘सत्ता-सापेक्ष मीडिया‘ है। हिंदी के प्रमुख अखबारों के हेडिंग देखने से भी यह बात स्पष्ट हो जाएगी कि मीडिया किसके पक्ष में अपनी आवाज बुलंद कर रहा है। हिंदी के प्रमुख अखबारों ने जो हेडिंग लगाए वो सीधे तौर पर भाजपा के पक्ष में और कांग्रेस के खिलाफ दिखते हैं, इन हेडिंगों से ऐसा लग रहा है कि भाजपा ने पांच में से ज्यादातर राज्यों को जीत लिया है। हेडिंग देखिए-
भाजपा में सर्वानंद (दैनिक भास्कर)
भाजपा के अच्छे दिन, कांग्रेस को झटका (हिन्दुस्तान)
भरी भाजपा की झोली, कांग्रेस का हाथ खाली (दैनिक जागरण)
असम में पहली बार खिला कमल,……….कांग्रेस का सफाया (अमर उजाला)
भाजपा बढ़ी, कांग्रेस घटी (राजस्थान पत्रिका)
लेफ्ट-राइट में खो गई कांग्रेस (नवभारत टाइम्स)
सामान्य तौर पर मीडिया से यह अपेक्षा की जाती है कि वह तथ्यों को उसी रूप में प्रस्तुत करेगा जैसे कि वे हैं। साथ ही, तथ्यों को अधूरे रूप में प्रस्तुत करने से भी बचेगा क्योंकि ऐसा करने पर उनसे भिन्न अर्थ निकल सकता है। मीडिया का काम लोगों को जागरूक करना और जनमत निर्माण में भूमिका निभाना भी है। लेकिन, क्या मीडिया का काम सत्ताधारी पार्टी के पक्ष में जनमत निर्माण करना है ? ये सवाल इसलिए उठ रहा है कि 19 और 20 मई को हिंदी चैनलों के प्राइम टाइम की डिबेट मुख्यतः इस बात पर केंद्रित थीं कि किस प्रकार भाजपा पूरे देश में फैल रही है और इस फैलाव में मोदी-शाह की जोड़ी नायक बनकर उभरी है। कुछ चैनलों ने तो अमित शाह को ‘मैन ऑफ द मैच‘ बताया। लेकिन, इन चैनलों के पास ममता, जयललिता वाम नेताओं के लिए विशेषणों का टोटा दिखा।
यह ठीक है कि भाजपा ने एक राज्य जीता है और यह भी सच है कि कांग्रेस ने दो राज्य गंवाये हैं। लेकिन, इससे ऐसा कोई सरलीकृत निष्कर्ष नहीं निकाला जा सकता कि कांग्रेस समाप्त हो गई है और भाजपा पूरे देश में छा गई है। क्योंकि आंकड़े कुछ और कहते हैं। चुनाव आयोग के आंकड़े बताते हैं कि पांचों राज्यों को मिलाकर कांग्रेस ने भाजपा की तुलना में करीब दोगुनी सीटें पाई हैं और इन राज्यों में भाजपा की तुलना में उसे करीब डेढ़ गुना वोट मिले हैं। फिर वो कौन-से तरीके या पैमाने हैं जिनके आधार पर मीडिया ने भाजपा के उदय और कांग्रेस के खत्म होने का ऐलान कर दिया! बंगाल में तीन और केरल में एक सीट पाकर भी भाजपा की जड़ें गहरी हो गई और कांग्रेस ने दोनों राज्यों में 66 सीटें पाकर भी अपनी जड़ें खो दी!
राजनीतिक निष्कर्ष के लिहाज से पांच राज्यों के विधानसभा चुनाव परिणाम काफी उलझे हुए हैं। किसी भी स्तर पर यह साफ नहीं हो रहा है कि कोई एक पार्टी छा जाने की स्थिति में है और दूसरी पार्टी को लोगों ने पूरी तरह नकार दिया है। लेकिन, मीडिया इस बात को स्वीकार करता नहीं दिखता। एबीपी न्यूज, आज तक, इंडिया टीवी, जी न्यूज और यहां तक कि एनडीटीवी भी यह साबित करने में जुटा रहा है कि पूरे देश ने भाजपा के समर्थन में हाथ उठाये हैं। तमाम बुलेटिनों में पहली खबर भाजपा की विजय की थी, इसके बाद कांग्रेस के सफाये के जिक्र था। तीसरी और चौथी खबर के तौर पर तमिलनाड़ू और पश्चिमी बंगाल का जिक्र किया गया। जबकि, तमिलनाड़ू, बंगाल और केरल के परिणाम यह बता रहे हैं कि देश में भाजपा की नहींबल्कि क्षेत्रीय दलों की हैसियत बढ़ी है। ये दल किसी न किसी स्तर पर भाजपा और कांग्रेस, दोनों को चुनौती देंगे। चूंकि, उपर्युक्त बात मीडिया के ‘सत्ता-मुखापेक्षी’ हितों के पक्ष में नहीं जाती इसलिए ज्यादातर मामलों में इस मुद्दे पर चुप्पी ही छाई रही।
मीडिया से यह अपेक्षा हमेशा की जाएगी कि वह अच्छे-बुरे सभी तथ्यों को सामने रखे। लेकिन, हिंदी मीडिया ‘चुनिंदा तथ्यों’ को सामने रखने में जुटा रहा। मीडिया के किसी हिस्से में इस बात का उल्लेख नहीं था कि असम में बुरी हार का शिकार हुई कांग्रेस को भाजपा की तुलना में ढाई लाख वोट ज्यादा मिले हैं। इस बात का भी उल्लेख नहीं था कि तमिलनाड़ू में पिछले लोकसभा चुनाव में जिस भाजपा गठजोड़ को करीब 18 प्रतिशत वोट मिले थे, वो भाजपा 3 प्रतिशत से भी नीचे आ गई। मीडिया ने बंगाल में भाजपा की सीटें घटने और कांग्रेस की सीटें बढ़ने का उल्लेख भी न के बराबर उल्लेख। मीडिया को यह सवाल भी उठाना चाहिए था कि जिस वाम-विचार के खात्मे का ऐलान किया जा रहा था, वह केरल में कैसे जीत गया। जबकि, पांचों राज्यों को मिलाकर देखें तो वामपंथी पार्टियों को भाजपा की तुलना में डेढ़ गुना ज्यादा सीटें मिली हैं। यह बात अब लगातार साबित हो रही है कि मीडिया ऐसे सवालों को उठने से गुरेज करता है जो सत्ता को चुभते हों। टीवी पर आने वाले ‘स्वतंत्र विचारक’ सत्ताधारी पार्टी के प्रति नरम विचार व्यक्त हैं, जबकि कुछ समय पहले तक इनमें से ज्यादातर के ऐसे ही नरम विचार कांग्रेस को लेकर थे।
चुनाव परिणाम की कवरेज की दृष्टि से हिंदी अखबारों और हिंदी चैनलों के ‘टोन’ को मोटे तौर पर तीन हिस्सों में विभाजित करके देख सकते हैं-भाजपा के प्रदर्शन की यथासंभव प्रशंसा, कांग्रेस की विफलता के प्रचार पर फोकस, वामपंथियों की अनदेखी! मीडिया का यह रुख किसी भी स्तर पर अच्छे दिनों की ओर संकेत नहीं करता।

गुरुवार, 19 मई 2016

Is A Revolution Possible Without Dismantling Brahmanical Disorder ?


By Vidya Bhushan Rawat
18 May, 2016
Countercurrents.org
Understanding untouchability and castes question in Nepal
As I started from Delhi to visit Kathmandu to participate in World
Conference against Untouchability organized by International Humanist
Union, London and Nepal Dalit Commission along with Society for
Humanism in Nepal, the issues raised by one of respected Dalit rights
activist Mr Hira Lal Vishwkarma’s assertion that manual scavenging
does not exists in Nepal and that it is a lucrative business in
Kathmandu. The statement was contradictory as it admitted that there
is manual scavenging but what shocked me was his further emphasis that
this work is now done by the Brahmin and Kshetris too as this has lots
of money. In the conference I raised the issue and Mr Bishwkarma
responded to it in the similar way as he had said in his response to a
group mail circulated among the Dalit groups. Many of our friends
working on manual scavenging in India were very disturbed with this as
how come a person speak of such a language. During the conference, I
had the opportunity to interact Hira Lal Bishwkarmaji and other
friends and in the next few days, I decided to explore things further
by meeting diverse groups of people and that too from different
regions of Nepal. That apart, I tried to find it with the people in
Kathmandu valley who are engaged in the sanitation work employed by
the municipal corporation and government hospitals mostly. Most of the
places, I found the output of the toilets are linked to local open
nullah and just as you pour water, the entire excreta is flown into
it. Most of the places it was stinky and dirty too. So, if not today,
I feel Kathmandu city will have a dangerous situation if the sewage
situation is not dealt with. Despite denial of people, one question
that always haunted me as who clean toilets and latrines in Nepal ? If
manual scavenging does not exists here, it means there is no caste
system or the country has developed a fairly good sewage model on the
lines of European countries only then there was a possibility of non
existence of manual scavenging. On both the counts Nepal remain
negative. The sewage system need to be seen and the caste system of
brahmanical variety exists in Nepal in much stronger way than it is in
India. It need to be understood and seen where it is not visible and
why ? Ofcourse, Nepal is a very diverse country and caste system
differ in forms and actions in each regions and hence all cant be put
in the same bracket. Yet, I was never satisfied by the arguments that
friends who suggested me, ‘ I should not look Nepal from Indian eyes
and that they were different’. As a person who has been visiting
Nepal for long and love that country the issue of Dalits,
discrimination and caste system can not be put aside simply under the
nationalistic boundaries when the issue has become international and
need people’s response. Yes, it is true that the ‘big’ brother
attitude of Indians with their ready made solution would not work in
Nepal and it is clear that they have to find answer within their
national frame work satisfying the international laws too which speak
against injustice and are for social justice.
For next two days, I decided to explore on my own and met a number of
friends from hills, Tarai and Newari community and what transpired in
our conversations was absolutely eyeopening and will definitely give a
new direction to the movement for social justice and participation of
various Dalit communities in nation building. These conversations of
mine with Nepal Communist Party leader Mr Tilak Pariyar, leader from
Dom community and now Central committee member of Naya Shakti Mrs
Sunita Dom, Dalit activist from Tarai Mr Amar Lal Ram, activist from
Badi Community Mr Gopal Nepali and a conversation with Deula community
members engaged in sanitation work at the outskirts of Kathmandu will
be put online soon and will definitely help create an understanding of
the issue and take the discourse further.
I visited Deula community locality in the Indraiani colony in the
Maharajganj region of Kathmandu city to have a firsthand look to the
issue, I was shocked to say the least. I thought that Hira Lal
Vishwkarma ji is right because the houses were great and in much
better place unlike India. Over 25 families were living and each one
had well established home of nearly three storied construction. Some
of them had bigger than that. They claimed there was no untouchability
with them when I asked pointed question. Most of them were working
with municipality to clean roads, public toilets and hospitals. A
government job provided them about NR 10,000 to 15,000 which they
considered a better job option. I was a bit frustrated. At the town, I
met a gentleman Mahadeb Deula who runs a public toilet at the
Vasundhara chowk. The human excreta from his public conveniences is
flown into the open drainage which stink all the time. Mahadeb pay NR
Three Thousand for the contract and earn around NR 7000 a month. He
has no issue with untouchability as he says he does not face it. We go
along with him to his Indraiani Colony of Deulas. Bheku Lal works
with Mahanagar municipality and his day start from early morning at 5
am and finish at 8. Later he has to go again at 1 pm and finish at 6
pm. At this age of about 50 he gets about NR 16,000/- per month.
Kanchi worked in Mahanagar Palika and now retired. Its not good work
but they don’t get anything else says a young boy who is working in a
hospital. He could not study after high school. Another girl Pushpa is
a 9th drop out and sit at home. I asked her as why she not pursued her
study, she had no answer though the young boy of the community clearly
mentioned that they do not get any other work.

What surprises me was while those I met (I do not deny they having
political influence) did not utter much about untouchability and
discrimination, yet the issue is whether they realize what is
discrimination when they do not get any other work. Now they are
complaining that the work is not there as mechanization is happening
and work is being given to contractors. ‘It is a fact that the
contractors are mostly the high caste Hindus as Dalits do not have
that much of money. These high caste Hindus take the contract work and
employ the untouchables to do the sanitation work like cleaning of
septic tanks, roads and toilets. They extract huge money and pay the
people lowly’, said Mr Tilak Pariyar who is the Central Committee
Member of Nepal Communist Party (ML).

But Padam Bishwkarama, who is editor of monthly journal ‘Dalit
Sandesh’ as well as valley coordinator of Dalit Liberation Front of
Nepal, says that Nepal’s Dalit question need to be looked carefully
according to regions. He feels that the Parliamentary system is never
helpful to Dalits and it coopt them. He talks of revolution and unity
of all the Dalits. According to Padam, Dalit question is not the issue
of ‘Untouchability’ but that of participation at all level. Sometime
the upper caste want to convert it into an untouchability issue which
is wrong, says Padam Bishwkarma.

However Gopal Nepali, who belong to Badi community of Nepal and one of
the most marginalized and outcaste community feel that when we speak
of proportionate representation system, it cannot be just in the
context of Dalits and non Dalits as we assume. He thunders, ‘Where is
my space as a Badi with in the Dalit movements. Where are jobs for us
in the government services, in Parliament or at the National Dalit
Commission? They have formed a committee for the ‘welfare’ of Badis
and therefore most of our friends feel that we do not need to have a
space in the National Dalit Commission dominated by one or two
communities’, he says.

Actually, manual scavenging in the hills were carried out by the
Deulas who are part of Newar community which has a tribal status. You
cannot really understand the peculiarity of the issue if you feel that
it is a Newar issue as many of them have now become economically well
off. Newar janjati itself has its own varna system and therefore
Deulas among them are the sanitation workers. In the hills there was
not much manual scavenging but the towns of the hills like Kathmandu
has this community engaged in the work. There is a dire need to
monitor the work in the smaller town.

In Nepal, the tragedy is that the issue of manual scavenging has not
become dominant because the whole Dalit discourse is dominated by the
hill people while communities such as Doms, Mushahars, Chamars,
Mehatars, Halkhors, which are mostly based in the the Tarai or Madhesh
regions remain outcastes with in the movement. The crisis of Hills
verses plain has also helped to aggravate the issue. The cultural gap
is big and need to cover up. As Kathmandu valley has dominant hill
people and definitely manual scavenging in hills cannot be compared to
that in the Tarai yet one cannot ignore the dark realities. I am not
sure how great is the sewage system of Kathmandu and elsewhere but
definitely people clean street, toilets and some day the septic tanks
and as suggested by many earning a ‘good amount’ but definitely now
with the machines coming up in the market, it has affected the job and
bargaining powers of the community like Deulas as they only have the
sole ‘monopoly’ over the sanitation work in Kathmandu. Now the
contract work is taken by the powerful people who lease it to Deulas
and make money at their cost and we feel that the community has gained
a lot. When I tried to find out the reason of the community’s good
housing, I was told that Deula’s had land from the very beginning and
they had built these houses long back as the land belong to them. It
would be difficult for any sanitation worker to construct those kind
of houses in todays time when everything is so expensive and there is
no security.

However, it would not be fair to blame to the social movements in
Nepal, most of them dominated by caste Hindus who needed a few
‘Dalits’ to ‘showcase’ to their donors. As Mr Hira Lal Vishwkarma told
me about a big organization working on Land Rights actually worked to
ensure land for Brahmins and Kshatriyas in a village, in the name of
‘land reform’. It was shocking, said Hira Lal ji that when he found
that Dalits and Janjati people did not get any land under the claim
‘land to the landless’. Perhaps, it is here we must realize the
importance of the caste and merely citing ‘class’ will not work.
Nothing wrong in helping the landless people of all the castes but
then why ignore the Dalits in this entire ‘class’ exercise. One has to
agree that the Dalit issue need to be understood beyond mere symbolism
even though many times they are important particularly in the regions
where they have been denied participation and right to be as a human
being with dignity. Of course, the Dalit movement needed as much
variety and inclusion of the most marginalized communities which are
victim of untouchability even with in the communities claim to be
Dalits. These questions cannot be place under the carpet in the
pretext of internal issues of the community or non-serious.

But can Dalit issue be just participation and not discrimination and
untouchability. We do understand the political participation but what
happens where Dalits are just a minority or that too of a miniscule
variety whose voices do not get heard in the din of ‘majoritarian’
politics? So, it is not just issue of participation but an issue of
human rights which has protection under all the international
covenants. Participation of Dalits as proportionate to their
population in polity and political structure is one issue but the
issue of untouchability and those who are on the margins cannot be
brushed aside under any pretext as Tilak Parihar says that the
Communist Parties failed in it as the representation inside the party
was a matter of great concern. He pointed out that though the
revolutionary politics fought for the Dalit rights and fight against
feudal oppression yet in terms of representation they failed the
Dalits. He also said that parties failed to understand the Dalit
issues and its complexity. ‘I was the member of the previously
constituted ‘Constituent Assembly’ and have seen in those discussion
that those who got elected in the name of Dalit communities only
raised the issue of their communities and not others. Therefore, I
never heard issues of Doms, manual scavengers or those of the Tarai
Dalits, as majority of us were from the hills. It is our failure’, he
says. Obviously, the issues of Dalits and Janjatis have to be resolved
within the framework of Nepalese constitution and with maintaining the
unity and integrity of the country. Last year an important leader of
Dalits from Madhesh region visited Indian and tried to create an
opinion about the Dalits in Nepal but now the Dalits in that region
complain that the minister has forgotten the Dalits of other
communities and only play his caste card.

Amar Lal Ram belong to Chamar community from Saptarni district of
Madhesh region. The influence of Saint Raidas and Baba Saheb Ambedkar
is now on the community. ‘The youngsters are going to school but
participation in the job is very low. In the Tarai, it is the Paswans
who dominate and they do not care for Dom, Chamars and Mehtars. In
fact, 25 families of Doms face social-economic boycott from the
Yadavas in the region who want these families to leave their homes and
settle elsewhere’, says Amar. We too had an economic blockade several
years back but now things are settled, he said. ‘Why is there a
blockade’, I asked. ‘ We live in the towns or in the villages and when
we do not follow their diktats they threaten us. Secondly, now with a
little money, they feel we are obstacles and need to be thrown away so
that they can live without seeing us or touching us.’ But is there any
manual scavenging in your region and if yes who are engaged in it, I
ask. According to Amar, even after the government’s efforts, manual
scavenging is there and mostly mehtars, halkhors and Doms are engaged
in it. ‘ If there is any death of an animal, people will not pick up
as they will only wait for a dom, he says and add that our pain is
that while the upper castes have been willful against us but the
powerful communities of Vishwkarmas and Parihars have taken our share
as they are heavily present everywhere from government bodies to NGOs
to IGOs. In fact, this sentiment is reflected by Gopal Nepali too who
said that when the government appoint a committee and yes it is a
committee he says not a commission yet it was not liked by dominant
dalit leaders here. What do we get he says. As a person from Badi
community which is less than forty thousands in Nepal, Gopal is the
first person doing his M.Phil from Tribhavan University, says with
pain visible on his face that we remain untouchables even today.
Though, none know my caste in Kathmandu but if I inform any one about
my caste that I belong to Badi community, I might not even get a house
and people won’t even like to share space with me. Our pain is that
our women and men were into music profession. They danced and yes the
feudal exploited our women too. Later it became for all when there was
no employment so many came in the prostitution and exploited by all.
How Hippocratic it is that we are untouchables but there is no
untouchability in sex. Yes, untouchability exists in our water, in our
kitchens and at the marriages, he says painfully.

Addressing caste discrimination and untouchability questions are
important to create an egalitarian society but it is important to
handle them with great sensitivity. A solution which might be
applicable in the hills might not be applicable in Tarai. The issue of
Newari community is entirely different. Constitution of Nepal has
recognized Dalit as an issue and as communities. Positive side is that
constitutionally, they did not use the term ‘scheduled castes’ and
scheduled tribes’ as in India but Dalits and Janjati which is positive
as it will remind people of the historic wrong. Padam Bishwakarma is
very clear about that when he says that Dalit question cannot be
resolved unless we talk of honorable compensation for historical wrong
done to us but do the revolutionary politics understand it, I ask. He
says, yes, the only answer to discrimination against Dalit is the
revolution against the feudal caste structure as Parliamentary
democracy will not bring our true representatives and there the
success of a few is shown as the model for all.

While Tilak Pariyar candidly understand that these brahmanical Marxist
parties are not really Marxists as they fail to understand Dalit
question and only talk of class when caste is an important factor of
oppression in our society, Ms Sunita Dom, who is now in Nayi Shakti
party of former prime minister Babu Ram Bhattarai, exposes the
character of the ‘revolutionary’ parties when she said that her father
being an important member of the Central Committee of the Maoist Party
faced caste discrimination. It was sad that party leaders would not
eat along with him and he was always served in a separate plate
outside the dining hall. This is scathing attack on the brahmanical
desease that exists inside these closed quarter of ‘revolutionary’
parties. I was shocked to hear this from a woman who hail from Dom
community who are even untouchables among untouchables. Most of these
parties have kept their door closed for the Dalits but as both Tilak
Pariyar and Padam Bishwkarma mention that the revolution happened in
Nepal because Dalits supported and participated in it. My point was
that is great but why you need Dalits as rag pickers of your parties
and not at the highest level. How come people are unable to come to
the highest level despite sacrificing their lives.

Yet, it is also true that merely condemning the parties will not work.
Nepal’s Dalit now look for change through revolution alone. Those who
are ‘mainstreamed’ in NGOs and INGOs may have a few success stories
while mainstream political parties busy with their vote calculations,
Tilak Pariyar is simply not satisfied with the constitution. It talks
a lot but gives nothing. For the 275 strong Parliament, 165 Members
will come through First Past The Post system while rest 110 from
Proportionate Electorate System. Now, most of the mainstream parties
says that constitution is giving everything as per proportionate at
every level (it is mentioned in the constitution and Nepal that way
shows inclusive constitution but it has a long way to go) but there is
no assurance of reservation or protection of seats for Dalits in FPTP
as no seat is reserved for them. It means that a majority of seats
would be open for manipulations during the elections and prone to
encourage corrupt practices as happens in India. Among all this
proportionate, how do we ensure that Badi, Gandharba, Chamars,Halhors,
Doms, Mehtars and many other communities get their due. How will there
be a representation of Deulas from among the powerful Newar community.

Nepal’s Dalits are separated from each other on regional lines. There
might not have been any interaction with them and definitely the
brahmanical political parties whether Congress variety or
revolutionary one cannot escape from being blamed. As far as social
movements is concern, the big INGOs have spoiled independent movement
to grow and very unfortunate part is that upper caste still play
patronizing role in ‘developing’ Dalit movement. We still here
discussion similar to ‘return to Vedas’ of Vivekanada and that varna
system was ‘scientific’ and was based on your work and not that of
birth. People quote copiously from religious texts to prove that Vedas
are sacrosanct and everything is a late entry. That shows the
influence of Brahmanism on thoughts and process of politics, academia
and society. While Ambedkar is reaching there yet being used in a very
‘limited’ way as both the revolutionaries and Congress variety of
parties have realize the danger to the brahmanical order from a
radical Ambedkarite movement. The oppression has been very high and
people were made to believe that they are fighting a ‘class’ war and
not a brahmanical caste oppression hence villages are isolated and
deeply entrenched in caste system.

We would not like to give our solution to Nepal as it has to come from
their communities and within the frame work of its constitution but
unless Nepalese parties understand the whole issue of Dalits and their
participation, things will not succeed. Nepal revolutionary politics
will not succeed unless it understands the aspirations of those
communities who have been denied their dignity and rights for
centuries. In the 21st century, Nepal need to show the world that in
our continent revolution is not possible without smashing Brahmanism
and the illegitimate social order that it has created to suppress the
Bahujan working masses in our societies.

Vidya Bhushan Rawat is a social and human rights activist. 
He blogs at www.manukhsi.blogspot.com
twitter @freetohumanity Email: vbrawat@gmail.com



रविवार, 15 मई 2016

कितनी ही छुपा लो हकीकत अपने चेहरे की 
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बीज मिट्टी में दबा हो तो वो  दबा ही रहता है 


शुक्रवार, 13 मई 2016

हमला जारी  है ,महंगाई भारी है
बेरोजगारी छारी है,फांसी आरी है
मेरा देश महान है 

NEOLIBERAL EDUCATION CRISIS

The Crisis Of The Neoliberal Model Of Higher Education
By Jon Kofas
13 May, 2016
Countercurrents.org 

Introduction
A nation’s higher education system reflects the ideological and political institutional mainstream as a whole. This has been the case since the founding of universities in the late Middle Ages (University of Bologna, 1088; University of Paris, c.1150; University of Oxford (1167); even earlier for Arab universities (University of al-Qarawiyyin, 859; Al-Azhar University, 970). To this day, universities reflect society’s value capitalist system, prevalent ideological and political trends rooted in neoliberal thinking that dominates the political economy. The question is whether the neo-liberal model of higher education best serves individual students and society collectively or merely large businesses.

Based on the cosmopolitan ideals of the Age of Reason, the Humboldtian Model of Higher Education - named after Prussian philosopher and diplomat Wilhelm von Humboldt, 1767-1835 - endeavored to forge teaching and research in the arts, sciences and humanities for the broader purpose of general knowledge both theoretical and applied. The Industrial Revolution necessitated education at all levels including university level in order to expand. Therefore, the modern university became a necessary instrument to serve industrial capitalism’s needs (drivers of innovation where basic research and development took place).

It stands to reason that the most thriving capitalist country, the United States with the world’s largest economy in nominal value at least, would have the best universities both private and public, especially land-grant colleges that started in 1862 under the Morrill Act. Although such schools started with the purpose of indeed buttressing the economy by creating an educated work force, they reflected an apartheid society considering that it was not until the Higher Education Act of 1965 and the Education Amendment of 1972 that minorities, women and lower income whites had access to these institutions that were mostly for white middle class males.

In the early 21st century the problem is not one of access based on race and gender but rather class because of the commoditization of higher education model prevalent in the US and exported worldwide. Considering the number of US-affiliated colleges and university extensions overseas, but the degree to which non-US universities try to emulate the commoditized model, many around the world accept the commoditized neoliberal model of American higher education as the very best possible.

It is indeed true that the US has some of the world’s best universities, especially graduate schools if not so as much at the undergraduate level. It is just as true that since the end of the Vietnam War American higher education has become increasingly unaffordable and divided into the top tier schools with many at the bottom providing low-quality in-class or online education at a very high cost. This too is a reflection of broader societal trends such as downward socioeconomic mobility and good education as a commodity reserved for wealthy families.

Excluding loans, the federal government provides a mere 2% of the budget for higher education, despite a sharp decrease in spending by states since 2008. If we consider the federal student loan program estimated at $170 billion in the next ten years, the cost is still negligible given that the US has proposed foreign military aid of $40 billion to Israel for that same ten-year period; money devoted to continue the repression against the Palestinian people. Two-thirds of American college students graduate with college debt that currently stands at$1.3 trillion. In an economy of $17.5 trillion GDP, this is an enormous burden that has been rising commensurately with the average household debt over the last three decades. Approximately 43% the student debt is not paid in regular payments and it is estimated that because of the absence of jobs about 20% will probably never be repay the loans. This would then leave the federal government with the burden of the guaranteed bank loans. Because the US economy has been experiencing downward socioeconomic mobilization concurrently with the massive rise in student debt and household debt in the last ten years, the problem was inevitable.

The position of the majority of the politicians is to do nothing, other than have universities raise endowments for scholarship money and force universities to depend even more on tuition and the private sector. However, as Warren Buffett recently noted, the university where he serves as a board member raised its endowment from $8 million to $1 billion but kept tuition at high levels instead of lowering it and it did nothing about improving. As we will see below, doing nothing about the current neoliberal model has many negative consequences for society both domestically and globally.

Another option to fix a broken system is to cut the multi-million dollar costs of the top-heavy administration in universities where presidents, vice presidents, chancellors, vice chancellors, and deans have compensation packages as though they are executives in the private sector. The salary gap between a university president and an adjunct English professor is almost as wide as a worker and a corporate CEO. Clearly, the overhead costs of the bureaucratized universities entails that student tuition is unaffordable for the working class and the weakened middle class. http://www.theatlantic.com/education/archive/2015/09/income-inequality-in-higher-education-the-college-president-to-adjunct-pay-ratio/407029/

Another option to fix the costs in higher education is to go tuition free. This is a proposal that Senator Bernie Sanders floated as part of his neo-Keynesian presidential platform that includes free health care for all Americans. This of course means putting an end to the neoliberal model. His reasoning is that students are punished for going to college. They come out with massive debt to start their lives in a job market that is hardly favorable to the majority of them. Considering that a college degree is roughly equivalent today to a High School degree in the 1950s-1960s when the US economy was growing and there was upward socioeconomic mobility, what purpose does the unaffordable tuition serve other than to keep college the domain of the wealthy or those willing to go deep into debt?

This is a question not just about economics and raising taxes of the rich to pay tuition of the poor. The fact is that the system already favors the wealthy and it is stacked against the lower class. This is an issue of social justice considering that the federal government and states have no problem providing billions of dollars in corporate subsidies and tax breaks for the richest Americans and setting aside a massive budget for defense, intelligence and homeland security and very little for human welfare. This is an issue of values, just like the blatantly racist criminal justice system that punishes the petty thief or small time drug dealer in the inner city, but rewards the bank executive whose bank had been laundering drug money, fixing rates, engaged in inside trading, etc.

The Rising Cost of Higher Education

From 1978 until 2012 the increase in tuition and fee was 1,120%. An increase far above the level of inflation that generally ranges in the single digits represents a crisis in the cost structure of colleges and universities. Assuming a rise of just 7% between 2016 and 2030, the average annual cost for a public university will be $58,000, or $232,000 for a four-year degree. For a family with two children, this means the cost will be around the half-a-million dollar mark, and the difference between owning a home or sending the children to college and sinking them into debt when they graduate.

Since the Great Recession of 2008 states have slashed spending on higher education to raise corporate subsidies and provide more tax breaks for upper income groups. The result has been college affordability in 45 out of the 50 states has decreased for the average household which has seen a drop in its income during the same period. This means that households under $30,000 must devote 60% of their income to educate a college age teenager at a two-year college, while those between $40,000 and $100,000 (middle class) need 76% for a four-year college. In short, a very difficult choice for the average American family that must ask whether an undergraduate degree really means much in the workforce of today. http://www.takepart.com/article/2016/04/29/when-it-comes-college-costs-middle-class-kids-are-still-screwed

One could argue that a college education is well worth investment not only in terms of securing higher paying jobs in the future but because the quest for knowledge about the world and self discovery are very basic to human nature and society. Moreover, education goes to the core of a society’s claim to maintaining a merit-based system by developing the most creative minds that benefit the totality through the individual. If higher education is a mirror of society as well as the source for progress, is it time to consider new models other than the existing corporate one that will best serve society and not just a very narrow segment linked to the corporate structure? A few voices including that of Bernie Sanders and his supporters agree the time has come for a new model of higher education. However, the entrenched business, political and media elites are adamantly against change. Interestingly enough, they allies among highly paid administrators who have a vested interest in maintaining the existing system.

Political Resistance to Changing the Neoliberal Model of Higher Education 

The neoliberal ideology that took hold during the Reagan administration in society impacted higher education because government at all levels adopted a policy of transferring income from social programs, mental hospitals and education to corporate welfare through various subsidies and tax reductions. At the state level, governors and legislatures began seeking ways to reduce their allocations to public colleges and universities, forcing them to seek funds from the private sector. This entailed that they would have to emulate the private sector in everything from ideology to structure and at the same serve its needs rather than carry out work independently.

Not just the governance structure of higher education, but endowed chairs and entire departments or even colleges would be created to reflect the millionaire or billionaire donors’ wishes. Everything from hiring faculty to reflect the neoliberal ideological orientation to setting priorities that link the institution to local and national businesses changed because of the inexorable relationship between university and the donors. Most college presidents and university top administrators serve on boards of local and national businesses, and they are as themselves business people and politicians rather than academics. In some cases, top administrators are as alien to academia as the local bank executive hobnobbing with the mayor, governor and congressmen.

Higher education has been reduced to a business and the administration views itself as such and students as customers as thought they are shopping for a new cell phone. No candidate of either party has dared to go along with Sanders’ proposal, although there is no shortage of those on the Democrat side promising “something must be done” but within the neoliberal corporate model that exists today. Politicians who raise money from wealthy donors for election and reelection are not interested in facing their benefactors to explain higher taxes to fund higher education. Higher education is a political issue in so far as politicians decide where it fits in as far as a national priority. It is hardly a secret that both political parties have national defense/terrorism/homeland security as a top priority followed by retaining the corporate welfare system.

Between 9/11 and the end of 2015 the US had spent $4.4 trillion on the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, various interventions in Libya and Syria, the war on terror and homeland security. During that same decade-and-a-half, the corporate tax subsidies from state and local governments cost $80 billion annually, while Export-Import subsidies cost an additional $112 billion. The combined corporate welfare program costs $1.5 trillion annually, but both political parties are committed to it as a national priority whereas higher education is a low priority. Just as the state government in Michigan had as a priority providing a tax break of $1 billion to the richest residents even if that meant cutting costs in the Flint water supply, similarly state and federal government have corporate welfare as a priority over higher education. http://usuncut.com/class-war/10-corporate-welfare-programs-that-will-make-your-blood-boil/

The Media and the Corporate Model of Higher Education

All of the mainstream media came out against the Sanders proposals of reexamining the neoliberal model of higher education, including the Washington Post and the New York Times promoting themselves as “liberal”. Every day their pages are promoting neoliberal economic policies and neoconservative foreign and defense policies, but they continue to project the fake image of a liberal media. No matter where one looks in the mainstream media, there is no support for making higher education a national priority, and certainly not at the expense of cutting defense and the generous corporate welfare programs that benefit the richest Americans. https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/college-doesnt-need-to-be-free/2015/05/21/4453fc94-ff0f-11e4-805c-c3f407e5a9e9_story.htmlhttps://www.bostonglobe.com/news/politics/2016/02/11/can-america-afford-sanders-big-plans/MtEoDAEbF9EhtGeCkW8QvK/story.html

Although the Sanders plan would cover about 70% of college students, and it would cost an estimated $75 billion annually split between the federal government and the States, Republicans and most Democrats find this plan reprehensible because it calls for a new tax on Wall Street speculation. It must be stressed that the Federal government makes an estimated $11 billion profit annually from student loans. In short, the media has no problem with Wall Street speculation, higher defense costs and higher corporate welfare costs, but it decries free tuition for public colleges and universities. A number of prominent university professors on the payroll of corporations including media companies have come out in opposition to ending the neoliberal model arguing that free tuition would: a. stifle innovation and creativity; b. undermine private colleges and universities; c. too much government involvement in higher education would impede entrepreneurship in higher education; d. deprive people of “freedom of choice; and e. free tuition will necessarily mean that quality suffers. http://www.usnews.com/opinion/knowledge-bank/2015/05/27/why-bernie-sanders-free-public-college-plan-is-a-bad-idea ;

Presenting itself as America’s premier newspaper and supposedly liberal, the New York Times came out against free tuition because: “free tuition means fewer resources to teach students. Unintended consequences could include reductions in need-based financial aid, which would harm the low- and middle-income students free tuition is meant to help.”http://www.nytimes.com/2015/11/30/opinion/free-tuition-is-not-the-answer.html?_r=0 Oblivious to the current $1.3 trillion in student debt expected to rise sharply by 2030, the media insists that higher education must not become a national priority. After all, the majority of both Republicans and Democrats agree with Wall Street that the economy cannot afford free tuition when it has already set its priorities in the domain of defense and corporate welfare. Along with politicians, the media is silent when it comes to the for-profit online unaccredited colleges and universities that government subsidizes by providing subsidies for low-quality to dubious educational experience for students.

It makes sense that corporate and business opposition in general would be forthcoming on this issue for a number of reasons. First, the businesses would lose the influence they currently enjoy over universities in every matter from curriculum to faculty and top administrators running the university on the existing commoditized model. When the most important function of its administration is to raise money rather than deliver a good education the question arises about the hold that the wealthy donors have on the university either by request or because the university is obligated to cater to the corporate ideological framework.
Just as millionaires and billionaires have a hold on the political arena because they finance campaigns and control the media that provides coverage to politicians, similarly hundreds of millions have been flowing into universities from Koch brothers and other billionaires and millionaires wishing to influence what is otherwise academic freedom.

Most of the donations to universities go to the already wealthy private institutions, but almost always with conditions that determine everything from curriculum to hiring and program development. “In Kentucky, Papa John’s pizza founder John Schnatter teamed up with the Koch Brothers Foundation to fund business school programmes at the University of Louisville and at the University of Kentucky. Both donations came with the caveat that the donors can stop funding if they do not feel that their mission – the teaching of free market economics and business practices – is being carried out to their satisfaction. To some, such stipulations imply that students will be taught by professors sympathetic to the political and economic views of the donors.”http://www.independent.co.uk/news/business/analysis-and-features/phil-knight-nike-stanford-universities-billionaire-donate-a6894716.html

In the past forty years, the faculty-to-student ratio has remained about the same, although the corporate model has meant relying increasingly on part time faculty. This reflects the corporate model of relying of low-paying part time employees and avoiding the costs of fulltime people. During the same forty-year period of a rise in part-time faculty, there has been an astronomical rise in the administrative bureaucracy that deals with the university as a business and injects a corporate ideology into an otherwise non-profit institution of higher learning. The least educated and most opportunistic elements invariably wind up in administration positions that pay much higher than any faculty position. Administrators identity and self-interest is not with the students but with the business community and they in turn project that value system into the university. (Benjamin Ginsberg, The Fall of the Faculty: The Rise of the All-Administrative University and why it Matters. 2011);http://www.salon.com/2014/10/10/noam_chomsky_corporate_business_models_are_hurting_american_universities_partner/

Corporatization of the University and College Administration

It makes sense that private colleges would object to ending the neoliberal model and supporting Sanders because they would have to reduce tuition and costs. Of course, the wealthy that would rarely consider a public school in the first place will continue to attend private colleges. Moreover, the free tuition of public schools would permit the private schools to promise they are the elite. Representing 1000 private universities, the National Association of Independent Colleges and Universities (NAICU) opposes Sanders’ proposal despite its acknowledgement that costs are very high.

“But one of the things we very firmly believe is that as it has been for the last 50 years or so, that federal aid money must follow the student, and stay with the student.” In other words, do what you will with public schools, as long as federal and state funds also flow into private schools based on student choice. “There is no trend we can discern yet that suggests schools are going to start cutting back on the amounts of money that they need for the expanding services they offer. There may be a decrease in growth if tuition increases, but nobody is decreasing tuition, nobody is decreasing the number of services offered, and therefore schools are continually getting more expensive.” http://dailyfreepress.com/2015/09/11/private-college-presidents-hesitant-on-sanders-education-stance/

In every state where there is a major corporation its influence is heavily felt very clearly on the state institutions. Whether it is Eli Lilly in Indiana or 3-M in Minnesota, the influence of the long arm of the corporate world in ubiquitous in universities that fight amongst themselves to secure corporate funding no matter the cost to academic freedom. Not just humanities and social sciences faculty, but those in the “hard sciences” are constantly fighting to secure grants for their research and as government slashed National Science Foundation money (16% cut proposed for 2016), faculty look to corporations. Scientists depend on the agrichemicals, pharmaceutical and biotech industry for research funding, so they structure their research around what the corporation expects. http://www.livingbetter.org/livingbetter/articles/corporate.html;http://www.sciencemag.org/news/2015/05/house-spending-panel-does-its-best-hide-large-cut-nsf-social-and-geosciences-research

In his article entitled “Higher Education or Education for Hire? Corporatization and the Threat to Democratic Thinking”, Joel Wetheimer writes: “The effects of corporatization on the integrity of university research – especially in the sciences – has been well-documented elsewhere. Readers of Academic Matters are likely familiar with the many cases of scientific compromise resulting from private commercial sponsorship of research by pharmaceutical and tobacco companies. Indeed, faculty throughout North America are already deluged with requests or demands to produce research that is “patentable” or “commercially viable.”http://www.academicmatters.ca/2010/04/higher-education-or-education-for-hire-corporatization-and-the-threat-to-democratic-thinking/

A land grant school, the University of Illinois-Champaign-Urbana campus is one of many public institutions heavily indebted to the private sector. Upon accepting massive grants from agrichemical companies such as Monsanto, the university caters to the wishes of the donors to hire faculty in the field of expertise the company dictates, namely in genetically modified seeds and agrichemicals that would have a direct impact on its multinational business. In other words, this is just another very cheap way of outsourcing research and development. On the surface, there appears to be nothing wrong with this, expect that this is a public tax-supported institution whose work is geared to serve the corporation. In short, the general taxpayer is indirectly subsidizing corporations.

As Wenonah Hauter, executive director of Food & Water Watch put it: “Sound agricultural policy requires impartial and unbiased scientific inquiry, but like nearly every aspect of our modern food system, land-grant school funding has been overrun by narrow private interests….Private-sector funding not only corrupts the public research mission of land-grant universities, but also distorts the science that is supposed to help farmers improve their practices and livelihoods,” said Hauter. “Industry-funded academic research routinely produces favorable results for industry sponsors. And since policymakers and regulators frequently cite these university studies to back up their decision-making, industry-funded academic research increasingly influences the rules that govern their business operations.” http://www.foodandwaterwatch.org/news/public-research-private-gain-corporate-influence-over-university-agricultural-research

The highly paid university administrators urge faculty to forge closer ties with the corporate world. They bring with them a corporate value system and worldview intended to make the university an institution that models itself after the corporate world. These leaders of the universities are among the most adamant opponents of doing away with the neoliberal model. Catharine Bond Hill, Vassar College president, a Clinton backer argued that Sanders is wrong to propose free tuition for public colleges. There is a vast administrative bureaucracy handling everything from loans to scholarships with layers of vice chancellors and vice presidents in the larger universities. One concern that college administrator have if the Sanders proposal goes through is the inevitable cuts in the administrative bureaucracy that will not be needed to deal with student loans, scholarships, and fundraising for student aid. From 1985 to 2005, the number of administrators rose by 85% and their attendant staff by 240%.http://www.occupy.com/article/college-bureaucracy-how-education-forgot-students-and-became-business#sthash.G22kz58h.dpuf. People assume that tuition goes for the direct educational experience of the student. “This is no longer the case. Instead, a large chunk of a check made out for tens of thousands of dollars is feeding the burgeoning administrative staff on college campuses. http://www.cavalierdaily.com/article/2015/04/mink-the-misguided-bureaucratization-of-higher-education)

The cozy relationship between the corporate world and college administrators illustrates that the neoliberal model is not a theoretical construct but a sinister reality. To university administrators and board of trustees invariably serve on the boards of businesses large and small. It may surprise the reader to discover that 42% of the Board trustees at public universities come from large corporations and they make the decisions about university governance and direction.
http://www.occupy.com/article/college-bureaucracy-how-education-forgot-students-and-became-business#sthash.G22kz58h.dpufhttp://www.occupy.com/article/college-bureaucracy-how-education-forgot-students-and-became-business#sthash.G22kz58h.dpuf

One reason Sanders has captured the vast majority support of voters under 30 years of age, especially college students is because they agree with him on free college tuition, among other issues such as addressing Wall Street control of politicians. Having lost confidence in the neoliberal model of the university system, the majority of people under 30 have lost confidence in the neoliberal political economy. A Harvard University study recently shows that 51% of people between 18 and 29 oppose capitalism and 33% stated they support socialism. https://www.qu.edu/news-and-events/quinnipiac-university-poll/national/release-detail?ReleaseID=2275http://www.thenewamerican.com/economy/commentary/item/23078-harvard-survey-shows-millennials-oppose-capitalism-but-do-they-really; The youth in America is moving farther to left of its neoliberal political, business and academic establishment, showing the entire societal structure of which higher education is an integral part is not working for the benefit of most citizens. Despite this reality, the neoliberal establishment has deep institutional roots. http://www.truth-out.org/opinion/item/31994-who-s-against-college-for-all
Conclusions

It is indeed amazing that the US model of higher education with all of its problems is actually one that other countries are trying to emulate. Although it has been cultural diffusion, especially the contributions of a global academic talent that has made American Higher Education as productive as it has since the end of WWII, many around the world and here in the US confuse this catalyst to success with the neoliberal governance and operational structure. The fact that high school students in Japan and many European countries actually score at par with US college graduates is indicative that the high cost of US colleges does not translate to better education. Graduation rates across the board are in the mid-50s, and for the lower tiered schools in the low 20s and high teens. Why is it that graduation rates are so low across the board, although tuition and fees keep going higher and grade inflation is a reality driven mostly by an administration that views students as paying customers? If the neoliberal model of education is the best one possible why do we have such grim results?

Billions of dollars in endowments and funding for research from the federal government and states allows the top universities mostly private to buy the best academics in their respective fields. However, the pyramid structure of American higher education suggests that the very few at the top, mostly private with some public schools, enjoy the big money and reputation. Despite a second tier with good departments in all fields from humanities to business, the bottom of the pyramid is where most students attend and where the system shows its cracks. It is at the bottom of the pyramid – The following are all for profit mostly online mostly low-quality education that does not compare favorably to a state university and does not have commensurate weight in the job market.

University of Phoenix at $35.5 billion
Walden University - $9.8 billion;
DeVry - $82 billion;
Capella University - $8 billion;
Strayer University - $6.7 billion
Kaplan University - $6.7 billion

The schools listed above have graduation rates in the low 20s compared with mid-50s for the national average. In short, these places take the students’ money but fail to retain them. The burden of very low graduation rates and such high level of debt falls on students that come mostly from working class backgrounds without the usual social/professional connections that the upper middle class students attending private universities enjoy. As more people find it difficult to afford the cost of public universities, they will turn to the degree mills mostly online that will result in high debt and low prospects for a rewarding career. The results of doing nothing with the current neoliberal corporate model of higher education will be the following:

1. Higher student debt as many studies have indicated considering the six-fold rise between 2008 and 2016.

2. A New elite class will emerge of college graduates with advanced degrees that will become increasingly unaffordable to the majority of American families.

3. Convergence of costs between public and private universities will make higher education increasingly unattainable for the majority of Americans.

4. Second and third tier low-quality for-profit schools will continue to prop up marketing themselves as the alternative to a solid college education.

5. Blacks, Hispanics and poor whites will be the worst to suffer the elitist neoliberal system of higher education.

6. Lower number of students that attend four-year colleges, choosing instead the bogus online universities and corporate institutions that are in essence degree factories taking the money and providing very little in return.

7. Rich-poor gap widening in society owing to lack of opportunity for a college education as the ticket to upward social mobility.

8. More jobs will be exported with the rise of the educational level in other countries while the US will assume increasingly characteristics of a Third World society.

9. A less educated citizenry may serve the interests of the political, financial elites and those in academia and media whose careers are linked to the elites, but it is a reflection of an autocratic society that deliberately prefers backwardness for the majority of its citizens.

10. US competitiveness with the rest of the world will diminish over time, although this does not appear to be a problem today because of the chronic “brain drain” from many developing nations coming to the US.

America’s neoliberal model of higher education will not change because the political economy is based on the neoliberal model and the entrenched elites support it. There are Republicans, including Trump, that are interested in privatizing Veterans affairs health care system, thus indicating the course of neoliberal policies will continue not diminish. This privatization craze is at the core of neoliberal ideological framework, and this is one reason they oppose free tuition for public universities. The success of higher education in Germany, France, Norway, Sweden, Finland, among some of European countries offering college-free tuition, as well as Brazil and Argentina means nothing to the neoliberal defenders of the system. Only a crisis deeper and wider in society would bring about change in higher education and that will come with the next inevitable contracting economic cycle that may be much deeper and longer lasting than the Great Recession of 2008.
Jon Kofas is a retired university Professor from Indiana University.