बुधवार, 13 अप्रैल 2016

RSS AND DALITS

RSS and Dalits
Although the RSS dare not openly treat Dalits as untouchables, it is opposed to any reformation that strengthens the Dalit populace - be it the Constitution, the law or the reservation system.On February 6, 1950 Organiser carried an article by a retired High Court Judge Shankar Subha Aiyar titled “Manu Rules Our Hearts.” He wrote that “Even though Dr. Ambedkar is reported to have recently stated in Bombay that the days of Manu have ended, it is nevertheless a fact that the daily lives of Hindus are even in the present day affected by the principles and injunctions contained in the Manusmriti and other Smritis. Even an unorthodox Hindu feels himself bound at least in some matters by the rules contained in the Smritis and he feels powerless to give up altogether his adherence to them.” Golwalkar in his Bunch of Thoughts said, “Our Constitution too is just a cumbersome and heterogenous piecing together of various articles from various Constitutions of the Western countries. It has nothing which can be called our own. Is there a single word of reference in its guiding principles as to what our National Mission is, what our keynote in life is?”
K.R. Malkani, an ideologue of the RSS in his famous book ‘The RSS Story’ admits that Golwalkar, the number two supremo of the RSS, ‘saw no reason why Hindu law should break its ancient links with the Manusmriti.’ Clearly, the RSS thinks that Hindutva based on Manusmriti which proclaimed inequality and dehumanization of the masses must be our National Mission and this must be included in the Constitution of India, instead of equality before law irrespective of caste, creed, gender and
language. The RSS has never supported the agitation of Dalits or their entry in Mandirs. Even decades after independence, there are many temples in India where entry of Dalits is denied. Similarly, the RSS has never come out openly against many social evils that are part of the ancient Hindu traditions and that still plague today’s society. For a function in Vasant Kunj in New Delhi of laying the foundation stone of an institute for Vedic Studies attended by L K Advani – veteran of RSS - on February 1, 2002, ten Dalit families of Dusadh caste were forced to leave their homes because the organisers of the function thought that the presence of Dalits would pollute the area. No RSS functionary, not even L K Advani, objected. In Dulena in Jhajjar district of Haryana in October 2002, five Dalits were skinning a dead cow to sell its hide. Local Vishwa Hindu Parishad (part of the Sangh Parivar) and Shiv Sena spread rumours of cow slaughter. The five Dalits were lynched. Instead of condemning this gruesome murder, a senior leader of the VHP Giriraj Kishore supporting this lynching said that the life of a cow was more important than the lives of any number of people. Again the RSS did not utter a word. Uma Bharati, cabinet minister in today’s Modi Govt., during her chief
ministership of Madhya Pradesh promulgated an ordinance for banning cow slaughter. The official statement issued in January 2005 extolled the virtues of Manusmariti in the following words  “Manusmriti ranks the slaughterer of cow as predator and prescribes hard punishment for him’. This was perhaps the first time in the legal history of independent India that a law was drawing its justification from Manusmriti. No wonder, a magnificent statue of Manu was installed in the high court of Jaipur by the BJP government in the early 90’s. They want the country to be ruled by Manusmriti which consigns the ‘lower’ castes and even ‘upper’ caste women to the most cruel form of slavery that humankind has ever devised. Just recently in Faridabad in Haryana two small children of a Dalit family were burnt alive by the upper castes and the mother and father sustained severe burn injuries. The silence of the RSS on this ghastly incident was indeed deafening. The RSS jumped into the Sampurna Kranti agitation led by Jayprakash Narayan. But when Jayprakash Narayan gave a call for breaking the sacred thread (Janeu) which is a symbol of higher caste supremacy, the RSS neglected it and not a single RSS member followed this call. This was because the RSS firmly believes in caste hierarchy. The statement that the reservation policy be reviewed is a part of the
RSS agenda. The RSS does not want empowerment of Dalits, Adivasis and Backward Communities. When the Mandal Commission recommendations were implemented, the Advani-led BJP started the
Ram Janma Bhoomi movement inciting communal polarisation throughout India. RSS supporters stirred up anti-reservation rallies and incidents of self-immolation took place. Behind all this were the Hindutva forces. The BJP withdrew support to the V P Singh government and it fell. In Dadri in UP, not far away from Delhi, a Muslim was lynched recently on mere rumors that he had beef in his house. But some RSS men openly proclaimed that it is in accordance with the order in the Vedas to
exterminate beef eaters. What treatment then is the RSS going to give Mahars (Neo-Buddhists) a Dalit caste in Maharashtra? Many Mahars eat beef because it is a cheaper source of protein than mutton. Two generations ago beef was a staple food for the Mahar caste. Despite all these developments, we find that RSS and BJP are successful in wooing a substantive section of Dalits through different ways, and particularly through their anti-Muslim propaganda. The views of
Ambedkar are being twisted in an effort to appropriate him. It is therefore very urgent that the anti-caste struggle be made an integral part of the anti-communal struggle. Here is what Dr. Ambedkar said “There are many lower orders in the Hindu society whose economic, political and social needs are the same as those of majority of Muslims and they would be far more ready to make a common cause with the Muslims for achieving common ends than they would with the high caste Hindus who have denied and deprived them of ordinary human rights for centuries.”
( Dr. Ambedkar, Writings and Speeches Vol. 8., P. 359)
The RSS objective is to establish a theocratic state in India, a state deriving its ideas from ancient writings like the Manusmriti. This state will be an enemy of dalits, tribals and all those who follow a different faith, like Muslims and Christians. It will be a more inhuman, dangerous, degenerate and perverted dictatorship than ever seen before. Hence it is the duty of all patriotic and democratic people of India to fight the RSS and all of its different faces.
Hindutva
Manusmriti
Dalit


The RSS and the Varna Caste System Viplav Meshram

The RSS supremo Mohan Bhagwat in an issue of Organiser, the
mouthpiece of RSS, recently called for a revision of the reservation
policy, revealing the hitherto camouflaged policy of the RSS towards
social justice. In reality, RSS is against reservations for socially deprived
sections of Indian society. But declaring this openly is not easy. When
Hardik Patel in Gujarat started his agitation demanding either reservation
for the powerful Patel community or scrapping of the whole reservation
policy, only then did the RSS supremo summon the courage to express
the real views of his organization.
The reservation policy has its importance in giving opportunities to the
weaker sections of Indian society that have been deprived of even
human status by the caste system since centuries. Even today, gross
social discrimination against dalits is practiced in many parts of the
country. In May 2013, when Modi was Chief Minister of Gujarat, in the
state sponsored report “ Impact of Caste Discrimination and Distinctions
on Equal Opportunities: A study of Gujarat”, it is mentioned that caste
discrimination is just a matter of ‘perceptions’. This truly reflects the
mindset of an RSS Pracharak. As we all know, dalits comprise onesixth
of India’s population and their majority still live at the bottom of
the social hierarchy and are routinely discriminated against and subjected
to many forms of violence. Can you call it a matter of ‘perception’ ?
Despite reservation, dalits are forced to do menial jobs while upper
castes corner most of the top jobs. A majority of landless labourers are
dalits. A recent survey found that on an average dalit family incomes
are 40% less than upper caste incomes in rural areas, while this gap is
a shocking 60% in urban areas. There are repeated incidents of murder,
lynching, rape and arson against dalit families. But the RSS wants to
wish away this brutality by claiming that the caste system in its mythical
‘pure’ form is actually a unifying force for Hindu society.
The ideology of the RSS is based on ‘Hindutva’, which is inseparable
from the varna and caste system. The RSS believes in the caste system,
according to which each must perform his/her duties without complaint
as per their place in the caste hierarchy. The RSS has no love for the
dalits and adivasis. It expects that the dalits and backward communities
must perform their duties in accordance with the Dharmashastras (Hindu
scriptures) which the RSS lauds as ideal. Narendra Modi has even said
that dalit manual scavengers feel spiritual pleasure in doing their work.
In the year 2007, a collection of Narendra Modi’s speeches to IAS
officials at various points of times were compiled in a book form named
‘Karmyog’ and published by the BJP govt. of Gujarat. Here is what
Modi thinks of manual scavengers’ job:
“ I do not believe that they have been doing this job just to sustain their
livelihood. Had this been so, they would not have continued with this
type of job generation after generation……At some point of time,
somebody must have got the enlightenment that it is their (valmikis’)
duty to work for the happiness of the entire society and the Gods; that
they have to do this job bestowed upon them by Gods; and that this job
of cleaning up should continue as an internal spiritual activity for centuries.
This should have continued generation after generation. It is impossible
to believe that their ancestors did not have the choice of adopting any
other work or business.”
(Pages 48-49, Karmayog, Narendra Modi)
Cabinet Minister VK Singh compared to the horrific Sunpedh incident
of two dalit children being burnt alive to the death of a dog.
So, what is the real RSS view of dalits and where do they derive it
from? To understand this, it is necessary to briefly explore the history
of the varna/caste system. This is all the more necessary because the
RSS and its multiple fronts are constantly trying to rewrite history and
claim that the caste system was introduced only by the Mughal rulers
and before that everybody lived in harmony and equality. As we show
below, nothing could be further from truth. Ancient Hindi scriptures are
full of praise for the varna system, and explicitly spell out the inferior
dehumanized status of ‘lower’ castes.
Varnas / Caste System and Dharamashastras
The Four Varnas (Chaturvarnya) system based on duties depends on
birth. The caste system is called Jati Vyavastha. Jati means birth and
hence the caste system is actually a Birth System. This caste system is
unique in human history and is only found in Hindu society. Another
feature of the caste system is that it is a hierarchy with superior and
inferior castes. Such is the tenacity of this hierarchical concept that
even within castes, the sub-castes consider themselves above or below
others.
Apart from the Four Varnas there is a vast population which is out of
the Varna system altogether and no law givers or Dharmashastras
consider them a part of the social system. This is ‘last birth’ or Antyaja.
The dalits and adivasis are ‘Antyaja’, out of the caste system and hence
theoretically not members of Hindu society. That is why Dalits are
called outcastes.
It is claimed that the Four Varna system evolved from the ‘Purursh
Sukta’ of Rigveda. The Rigveda is the oldest of the four Vedas evolved
about 1500 BCE and took centuries for completion. The tenth Mandal
of Rigveda is the latest and is thought to have been created in 800 BCE
and only in this tenth Mandal, and only once in the whole of Rigveda, is
there mention of four Varnas.
The Purush Sukta hymn of Rigveda says: “Brahmanosya mukhamasid
bahu rajanyah kritah, Uru tadasya yad vaishyah padbhyam shudro
ajayat.” (Explanation – when the Purush was sacrificed in yajnya the
priests questioned how to define the sacrificed Purusha’s body parts.
Then his head is Brahmin, arms are rajanya (Kshatriya), thighs Vaishya
and feet are Shudra.)
This tenth Mandal was created when the Aryans settled in the Ganga
valley. They abandoned nomadic life. Cultivation was the principal
occupation and pastoralism was subsidiary which in the earlier nomadic
life was the principal activity. Settled agriculture and use of iron
implements produced surplus and the Aryan society became stratified
into classes. It was to justify this class division based on the cultivation
economy, that the Purush Sukta was created. To say that the caste
system or Varna system sprang from the Purush Sukta is like
placing the cart before the horse, and is unscientific. Actually, after the
division of society in classes the Purush Sukta justified it as a divine
system.
State power controls the producers of material production that is
necessary for the existence of society and helps the exploiters to retain
maximum surplus in their hands and lets the producers eke out bare
subsistence. Even the Four Varnas were arranged in two groups – the
Dvijas i.e. twice born – first born from mother’s womb and second
after initiation – which was a minority and the vast majority were
Shudras. The Shudras were engaged in production while the Dvijas
were largely parasitical, being engaged in priesthood, ruling or commerce,
according to their place in the Varna hierarchy. All of them lived on the
labour of the producers who were the Shudras.
For smooth functioning of the class-divided society and exploitation of
the toiling masses, indoctrination of the exploited was necessary and
the Purush Sukta was used to declare the system as divine. The
Dharmashastras which were the jurisprudence of the time explained
that the Brahmins originated from the mouth of Brahma and so on. The
Shudras were born from the feet of Brahma and it was their divine duty
to carry the burden of the dvijas or upper three Varnas.
The practice of dharma is explained in various ‘smritis’, the most
notorious of which is the Manusmriti (Laws of Manu). It formulated
many inhuman laws for Shudras. For instance: they cannot possess
property, as they themselves were the property of the three higher
varnas; if a Shudra abuses a Brahmin his tongue should be cut, whereas

if a Brahmin abuses a Shudra a nominal punishment was suggested; if
a Shudra beats a Brahman his arms should be cut; if he listens to the
Veda, molten lead should be poured in his ears; if he recites the Veda
his tongue should be cut; if a Shudra happens to be a witness in a
dispute or case, his testimony can be believed only when he drinks
poison and does not die, or is put in the fire and does not burn.
Manusmriti is supposed to have been codified by the second century
AD. It presents in totality the system of jurisprudence of Hinduism. In
the year 1927, Dr Ambedkar burnt a copy of Manusmriti for its total
disregard of principles of equality, justice and humanism, as a part of a
massive Satyagraha held at Mahad in Maharashtra.
The Organiser (Nov, 30, 1949, page 3), the organ of RSS, gave vent to
its ideas regarding Masusmriti : “in our constitution, there is no mention
of the unique constitutional developments in ancient Bharat. Manu’s
laws were written long before Lycurgus of Sparta or Solon of Persia.
To this day laws as enunciated in the Manusmriti excite the admiration
of the world and elicit spontaneous obedience and conformity. But to
our constitutional pundits (read Ambedkar) that means nothing”.
And what were these laws which RSS adores even today?
Two most revolting dictates of the Manusmriti are: 1) The Shudras
must wear torn and discarded clothes of the upper Varnas, must eat
left-over food of the upper Varnas and use broken earthen utensils. 2)
To dehumanize the Shudras, the Manusmriti went to the extent of
declaring that the names of the Shudras must be filthy. These laws
were forced especially on Dalits and also women. This law of personal
names was actually practiced in Indian society. Even up to two
generations ago, Dalit Mahars had such ugly names as Hagrya (shit),
Bhikarya (beggar), Janglya (savage), Fakirya (beggar) etc. The name
of the grandfather of the writer of this article was Phandya (treacherous)
and great grandfather was Fuktu (beggar). His father-in-law was named
Janglya. The Manusmriti not only dehumanized Dalits but also
suppressed their personality ruthlessly. They had no right to choose
even good names for themselves.
Other Dharmashastras and epics follow the same brutality towards
dalits. They imposed disability on Dalits, deprived them of access to
education and dehumanized them. And this went on for centuries. This
was not in any way for the mental satisfaction of the higher castes, but
to maintain class and caste dominance over the system of exploitation.
The Dharmashastras, Epics, Smritis, Dharmasutras are the pillars of
the unjust Hindu society on which feudal jurisprudence of the caste
system rested. One cannot imagine Hinduism (and of course Hindutva)
without these pillars.
The RSS and the Caste System
The ideology of the RSS and its Hindutva is based on these ancient
scriptures. The former RSS supremo M S Golwalkar wrote in his Bunch
of Thoughts that the Dharma is a way of life. It must be noted that by
Dharma he means Varnadharma and not religion. While glorifying the
Varnashram system in his Bunch of Thoughts, Part-2, Chapter X he
wrote under the title ‘Nation and its Problems’ that “Society was
conceived of as the four-fold manifestation of the Almighty to be
worshipped by all.” On the caste system he said, in the same chapter –
“Castes were in those ancient times too, continuing for thousands of
years of our glorious national life ….. They serve as a great bond of
social cohesion.”
Further glorifying the caste system Golwalkar wrote, “If the caste system
had really been the root cause of our weakness, then our people should
have succumbed to foreign invasion far more easily than those people
who had no castes.”
It must be stressed that none of Golwalkar’s casteist and communal
writings have ever been repudiated by the RSS. Thus the RSS
wholeheartedly supports the caste system. It talks about samarasata
(assimilation) and not samata (equality). It wishes that each caste must
retain its identity and it should survive, not be annihilated.
It is interesting to note that the very formation of RSS was done partly
to combat the influence of a massive non-brahmin movement in the
late nineteenth century led by the founder of Satyashodhak Samaj, Jyotiba
Phule (1827—1890) and Savitribai Phule, challenging the stranglehold
of Brahminism and its associated patriarchy. Dr. Ambedkar described
Jyotiba Phule as ‘India’s first systematic theorist of caste’ and ‘the
most radical 19th century opponent of it’ who desired nothing less than
the complete smashing of its oppressive structure. He along with his
wife Savitribai started the first school for shudra-atishudra girls in 1848.
People like Tarabai Shinde – author of the famous tract ‘Stree Purush
Tulana’— who has been termed the first feminist thinker of India’ or
‘Narayan Meghaji Lokhande, who formed the first labour organization
in India, were active workers of Satya Shodhak Samaj’.
Dr. Hedgewar tells his biographer Mr. C.P. Bhishikar in his biography
‘Sangh Vriksha Ke Beej’ that one of the reasons behind the formation
of RSS was the way the non-brahmin movement had raised its head.
Prime Minister Modi spent several years as a pracharak of the RSS
before becoming the chief minister of Gujarat in 2001. In 2008 he
published a book which contains short life histories of 16 people that
had a great influence on him. It is not surprising that one of these is MS
Golwalkar, whom Modi describes in glowing terms.


मंगलवार, 12 अप्रैल 2016

HITLAR KA NAZEEVAD

Posted: 26 Mar 2016 09:04 AM PDT
इप्टा के सचिव राकेश से लोकसंघर्ष पत्रिका के प्रबंध संपादक रणधीर सिंह सुमन

भाजपा और आरएसएस में भारतीय व राष्ट्रीय






लगा जरूर होता है लेकिन कोई भारतीय या राष्ट्रीय उनकी सोच और समझ है नहीं. देखा जाए तो इसके बहुत सारे प्रमाण हैं इसके प्रमाण चाहे गोलवलकर के हो, चाहे इटली में मुसोलिनी से मिलना हो, चाहे हिटलर का राष्ट्रवाद हो उसका टू कॉपी (उसकी प्रतिलिपि) अब तो फोटोकॉपी का ज़माना है जो हिटलर का नाजीवाद है वही इनकी हिन्दू संस्कृति है. यह कभी किसी रूप में फिर किसी अन्य रूप में परिभाषित करते हैं. हिटलर के लिए यहूदी नंबर एक के दुश्मन थे. दूसरे नंबर पर कम्युनिस्ट थे. तीसरे पढने लिखने वाले और विवेक की कैफियत रखने वाले लोग उनके दुश्मन थे. उनकी तर्ज पर यहाँ यहूदी नहीं हैं तो मुसलमान नंबर एक पर है और कम्युनिस्ट. संसदीय लोग हों, कम्युनिस्ट जीते या न जीते लेकिन यहाँ और वहां भी यह किया था कि तर्क व बड़ा विवेक मार्क्सवाद ने तैयार किया है इसलिए वह इनके स्वाभाविक रूप से विरोधी हैं.
यह उनकी सोची समझी रणनीति का हिस्सा है. वह अपने क्रियाकलापों को अंजाम देने के लिए नए-नए नारे गढ़ते रहते हैं. सबसे पहले यह 1925 से शुरुवात करते हैं राष्ट्रीय स्वयं सेवक संघ की सोच आजादी की लड़ाई के लिए नहीं थी और वीर सावरकर आजादी की लड़ाई में फंसे और अटल 16 साल की उम्र में.  इसके दस्तावेज हैं कि इन दोनों लोगों ने उस समय की अंग्रेज हुकूमत से माफ़ी मांगी थी.
उनकी कोशिश है कि अब दोनों को आजादी का महान योद्धा माना जाए. वीर सावरकर ने जो संकल्प लेकर घोषणा की थी कि ब्रिटिश सरकार का सहयोग करेंगे वह उनके नायक हैं. उनको भी स्थान दिया जा चुका है. यह उनकी एक सोची समझी नीति है. आजादी के बाद उन्होंने पहला निशाना 1948 में गाँधी को बनाया और नेहरु भी उस वक्त खुले में घूमते थे और धर्म विरोधी थे. जितना गाँधी धर्म को मानते थे हिन्दू धर्म और वर्णाश्रम को भी मानते थे लेकिन ऐसा आदमी सांप्रदायिक नहीं था इसीलिए उन्हें निशाना बनाया. दुबारा फिर करवट बदली और संघियों ने गौरक्षा और गौहत्या को मुद्दा बनाया. फिर मुद्दे की तलाश में राम जन्म भूमि का मुद्दा मिला. इसके लिए वह शुरू से काम कर रहे थे. वह लोगों के मन की नियत को पकड़ने की कोशिश की. उन्होंने सरस्वती शिशु मंदिर खोले और साम्प्रदायिक शिक्षा की शुरुवात की. यह सारा काम करते हुए समाज में राजनीतिक पैठ नहीं बन पा रही थी. 1966 के बाद कांग्रेस से मोह भंग होने के बाद भी उनको राजनीतिक मान्यता नहीं मिल पाई. 1975 आपातकाल लागू हुआ तब जेपी के साथ उन्होंने एक रिस्क लिया कि उन्होंने अस्मिता पर दांव लगा दिया. उन्होंने खुद को जनता पार्टी के रूप में अपने अस्तित्व का विलय कर दिया. जब उनकी पैठ सब जगह हो गयी तो उनका पहला राजनैतिक बड़ा अस्तित्व था और उसके बाद जनता दल और जनता पार्टी के विघटन जब तो गया तब 1989 तक आते आते उनका राजनीतिक अस्तित्व सीमित रहा.
राम जन्म भूमि को मुद्दे को एक बड़े मुद्दे के रूप में उछाला और वहां से उग्र हिन्दुवाद जो शुरू किया उसकी परिणीती 2014 के पहले मोदी गुजरात में सांप्रदायिक ध्रुवीकरण किया और जो कामकाज हुआ और फिर मोदी के समर्थन में पूरा कारपोरेट जगत, मीडिया जुटा और प्रधानमंत्री बना दिया और अब नये नारों की तलाश में निकले हैं. अब धर्म के मुद्दे और राम के मुद्दे अब उनके लिए बासी हो चुके हैं और ऐसी ताकतें भी चाहे अनचाहे जुड़ जाती हैं जो उनके साथ नहीं होनी चाहिए. कट्टर सांप्रदायिक विरोधी भी उनके साथ रिश्ता बना लेते हैं.
              हिटलर का फासीवाद जहाँ से पकड़ा उनको राष्ट्रवाद का नया सूत्र मिला और जो भी है उसे उग्र से उग्र कर रहे हैं. जो इसमें विरोध में तर्क करता है उसपर हमलावर होते हैं जो वर्षों वर्ष में जो तमाम संस्थाएं, विश्व विद्यालय आदि को नष्ट करने का काम कर रहे हैं जिसमें तमाम संस्थाओं में जवाहरलाल नेहरु विश्वविद्यालय एक बड़ा उदहारण है इस हमले में यद्यपि हिन्दू संस्कृति के सबसे ख़राब पक्ष वो लेते हैं जो पक्ष इस देश के दलितों आदिवासियों के विरोध में रहता है उसमें अम्बेडकर को भी सम्मिलित करने, शहीद भगत सिंह व विवेकानंद को भी समायोजित करते हैं जबकि यह सब धार्मिक कट्टरता के प्रबल विरोधी रहे हैं. यह उनकी आगे की रणनीति का हिस्सा है. अब जितने लोग तर्क और विवेक से मुकाबला करेंगे. यह बड़ी लड़ाई होगी और जहाँ ये एक राजनैतिक लड़ाई से ज्यादा सांस्कृतिक लड़ाई होगी जो एक मैदान से ज्यादा लोगों के दिमागों में लड़ी जा रही है.

-इप्टा के सचिव राकेश से लोकसंघर्ष पत्रिका के प्रबंध संपादक रणधीर सिंह सुमन व विनय कुमार सिंह की बातचीत के आधार पर 

अफजल को शहीद घोषित करें तो मुख्यमंत्री

लोकसंघर्ष !


Posted: 30 Mar 2016 04:21 AM PDT
किसान सभा के महामंत्री सत्येन्द्र कुमार
बाराबंकी। अफजल गुरू की फांसी की चर्चा करे तो देशद्रोही और शहीद घोषित करें तो मुख्यमंत्री यह केन्द्र सरकार अच्छे दिन आने की नीति का परिणाम है।
    यह उद्गार व्यक्त करते हुए भारतीय कम्युनिस्ट पार्टी के सहसचिव रणधीर सिंह सुमन ने पवैय्याबाद में किसानों की सभा को सम्बोधित करते हुए कहा कि अच्छे दिनों के कारण देश के अन्दर एक लाख किसानों के किसान कर्ज के मकड़जाल में फंसकर आत्महत्यायें कर ली है वही सरकार कार्पोरेट  सेक्टर के लाखों करोड़ों रूपये की कर्ज माफी कर चुकी है किसान मौत के ऊपर राजनीति करके सैन्य राष्ट्रवाद को विकसित किया जा रहा है। किसान जब खेत और खलिहानों में अन्न उत्पादन कर रहा होता है और उसकी वहां मृत्यु होने पर नकली राष्ट्रवादियों के घडि़याली आंसू भी नहीं निकलते हैं।
    किसान जनसभा के संयोजक मुनेश्वर बख्श वर्मा ने कहा कि किसान सभा के नेतृत्व में पूर्व विधायक राजेन्द्र यादव 17 व 19 मई को बाराबंकी में जनजागरण अभियान प्रारम्भ करेंगे और नकली राष्ट्रवादियों के नकाब को जनता के सामने बेनकाब करेंगे।
    सभा को किसान सभा के महामंत्री सत्येन्द्र कुमार, राजेश सिंह आदि ने सम्बोधित किया। संचालन किसान सभा के अध्यक्ष विनय कुमार सिंह ने किया सभा के पूर्व रामू एण्ड कम्पनी के नकली राष्ट्रवादियों को बेनकाब करते हुए वाद यंत्रों के साथ गीत गाये। 

KISKEE JEET

लोकसंघर्ष !



Posted: 06 Apr 2016 07:09 AM PDT
पश्चिम बंगाल विधान सभा के चुनाव का पहला चरण पूरा हो चूका है. जंगल महल क्षेत्र की 18 विधान सभा सीटों पर मतदान हो चूका है. मतदान लगभग 82 प्रतिशत हुआ है. मतदान के प्रतिशत बढ़ने पर तरह-तरह के कयास लगाये जा रहे हैं. ममता विरोधियों का मानना है कि मतदान प्रतिशत बढ़ने से ममता बनर्जी की तृणमूल कांग्रेस को नुकसान होगा. बंगाल के बुद्धिजीवी तबके का मानना है कि वाम मोर्चे के 35 साल के लगातार शासन के बाद जो गुंडागर्दी बढ़ी थी, ममता बनर्जी की पार्टी ने सभी रेकॉर्डों को ध्वस्त करते हुए पांच सालों के अन्दर गुंडागर्दी का नया रिकॉर्ड बना दिया है. विवेकानंद फ्लाईओवर के गिरने के बाद भ्रष्टाचार के संस्थागत होने का परिणाम सामने आया है. यह भी जानकारी में आ रहा है कि हर क्षेत्र की सप्लाई के ऊपर तृणमूल कांग्रेस का कब्ज़ा है. चुनाव में वाम मोर्चा व कांग्रेस एक साथ चुनाव लड़ रहे हैं तो वहीँ तृणमूल कांग्रेस व भारतीय जनता पार्टी एक सोची समझी रणनीति के तहत अलग-अलग चुनाव लड़ रहे हैं. भाजपा जनता को दिखाने के लिए सीधे-सीधे तृणमूल कांग्रेस के ऊपर आरोप-प्रत्यारोप तो करती है लेकिन भाजपा की स्तिथि बंगाल में वोट कटवा पार्टी के रूप में विकसित हो रही है. बंगाल के एक बुद्धिजीवी ने बातचीत में बताया कि भाजपा को वोट देने का मतलब है तृणमूल कांग्रेस की मदद करना.
                                  बंगाल ने विकास हुवा हो या नही लेकिन गुंडागर्दी का उद्दोग जरुर बढ़ा है  माकपा के राज्य सचिव डॉ सूर्यकांत मिश्र ने कहा था  कि पूरे राज्य में अराजकता की स्थिति बनी हुई है. राज्य में गुटों के बीच झड़प और विस्फोट की घटनाओं को देखकर ऐसा लगता है कि जैसे बम निर्माण ही राज्य का लघु और कुटीर उद्योग बन गया है. बंगाल से राज्यसभा सदस्य रहे अहमद सईद 'मलिहाबादी' ने सीधे तौर पर कहा कि ममता के सरकार में आने का मतलब है की बंगाल के अन्दर मोदी की सरकार को कायम करना है और बंगाल चुनाव के बाद तृणमूल कांग्रेस केंद्र में सत्तारूढ़ दल की मदद में रहेगी.तृणमूल कांग्रेस व भाजपा बंगाल में नूराकुश्ती लड़ रही है.
बंगाल में तृणमूल कांग्रेस के कुशासन के कारण बहुत बुद्धिजीवियों का एक बहुत बड़ा हिस्सा सरकार के विरोध में है और उसकी कोशिश है कि तृणमूल कांग्रेस को आगे सरकार बनाने का मौका न मिले वहीँ, जनता के विभिन्न तबकों से बातचीत के बाद यह बात उभर कर आ रही है कि तृणमूल कांग्रेस का शासन में आना आसान नहीं है और जिस तरह से स्तिथियाँ बदल रहीं हैंउससे लगता है कि छठे चरण तक  का मतदान आते-आते तृणमूल कांग्रेस का मत प्रतिशत कम होते-होते उसको सत्ता से बेदखल कर सकता है.
-सुमन
लो क सं घ र्ष !
 

गुरुवार, 31 दिसंबर 2015

Science, history and mythology

: Hindutva discovery of ancient India …
D.Raghunandan Delhi Science Forum & President, All India Peoples Science Network (raghunandan.d@gmail.com)
A special symposium on science and technology (S&T) in ancient India as gleaned through Sanskrit texts was organized as a side event at the 102nd Indian Science Congress held in Mumbai in January 2015. The symposium itself, with an obvious Hindutva agenda, and the claims made there, generated headlines both nationally and globally as the organizers may have hoped, but for very different reasons. Far from highlighting important contributions in ancient India, or uncovering hitherto unknown facts, the symposium presentations proffered fantastic claims showing a complete inability or disinclination to distinguish between science and history on the one hand and mythology and sophistry on the other. According to numerous press reports that were not contradicted, and reports of press conferences addressed by paper presenters and symposium organizers (copies of papers were not made available), one presentation claimed that ancient India possessed advanced aviation technology as far back as 7000 BC, including huge 40-engined aircraft that could even undertake inter-planetary travel. In response to subsequent objections that this was simply impossible, the presenter said, “Modern science is not scientific.” Another presentation claimed that futuristic surgical techniques are recorded in the Susruta samhita “not later than 1500 BC,” and have also been mentioned in the Rig Veda “considered as first text of universe (sic), created not later than 6000 BC.” All this came after several other such claims were made by Hindutva proponents on previous occasions (see http://www.firstpost.com/politics/plastic-surgery-to-ivf-things-bjp-sayshum-indiawaale-had-before-the-world-did-1833759.html for a listing of many such hindutva claims). In his now notorious speech at a hospital function in Mumbai, Prime Minister Narendra Modi himself said ancient India knew advanced plastic surgery techniques as could be seen from the god Ganesha having an elephant’s head attached to a human body, and also knowledge of in vitro fertilization since, in the Mahabharata, Kunti had given birth to Karna outside the womb. A storm of criticism in the media and from scientists in India (mostly anonymous) and abroad to these and other claims, objected to unscientific statements, mixing of history and mythology, and assertions being made without proper evidence, the cornerstone of the scientific method and of the Indian Science Congress itself. Anyone who thought the criticism would have embarrassed Hindutva proponents was quickly proved wrong. And to show that these were not stray comments by “fringe elements,” a string of unapologetic comments followed by Union Government Ministers and leading lights of various Sangh Parivar affiliates, directly or indirectly defending the views expressed at the symposium, or making additional assertions along the same lines, revealing a determined effort to reinforce what was evidently an ideological campaign. Former Minister in the Vajpayee-led NDA government and present Governor of Uttar Pradesh, Mr.Ram Naik, in his valedictory address to the Congress, felt the need to stress that ancient India had made huge strides in sciences like medicine, astronomy, mathematics and astrology (emphasis added), and that he “pitied those who are ashamed of our history,” which none of the critics had said they were. Former BJP President and now Home Minister and No.2 in the Cabinet Rajnath Singh said after the Congress that local pundits or astrologists should be consulted rather than NASA scientists for astronomical predictions on eclipses and such, making one wonder if the government would so advise ISRO for the next launch to the Moon or to Mars! The above developments make clear that this was a resolute attempt by Hindutva proponents to put forward a specific point of view. It is argued here that taken together, these different claims and assertions amount to a cohesive set of formulations which, for want of a better term, may be termed the Hindutva narrative on science in ancient India. It is also perhaps a harbinger of a determined ideological campaign of considerable significance for contemporary intellectual and political discourse in India. The present essay seeks to unpack this narrative and examine its implications. Concerted Hindutva narrative Several distinct yet interconnected propositions are discernible in this narrative. First is the claim to antiquity, the idea that Vedic (or Sanskritic) Hindu civilization and its later evolutionary manifestations, seen as congruent Indian civilization, is the oldest civilization in the world, that knowledge of science and technology here pre-dated and was far in advance of that in other civilizations, and that key breakthroughs in these fields were achieved here much before their appearance elsewhere. Second, as this antiquity itself shows, knowledge creation in ancient India was a purely indigenous process and other civilizations borrowed knowledge from India, often without acknowledgement, thus establishing the inherent superiority of Hindu civilization compared to all others. Third, that India would have retained this superiority had it not been for loot and suppression by alien cultures with other faiths, but can reclaim its greatness now by regaining and reasserting Hindu cultural supremacy. Fourth, that modern historical and general intellectual understanding in India and elsewhere with regard to science and technology in ancient India is a distorted, pro-Western and secularized creation, which has underplayed and deliberately belittled Vedic Hindu civilization’s contributions to science, and which has been propagated particularly in India by a westernized, mainly Leftist, elite who have internalized the colonial mindset. Hence, evidence advanced to contradict Hindutva claims on science in ancient India is intrinsically suspect and reflect precisely those anti-biases that the Hindutva narrative seeks to overcome. The latter two propositions are often presented as sub-texts, and their fullthroated articulation in the form of a campaign is probably yet to come. It is argued in this essay that the claims and evidence advanced in support of each of these propositions violate accepted disciplinary principles and practices in both history and science. It is further argued that, while some of this could be attributed to naivety or ignorance of these disciplines and of earlier work done in them, the cohesive messaging and assertiveness of the Hindutva narrative suggest that Hindutva forces believe, and will sooner or later explicitly and concretely insist, that these propositions are true regardless of any evidence to the contrary, all such evidence being presumed to be a product of the very biases which are sought to be countered by the Hindu nationalist narrative. Nature of evidence Let us first examine the nature of the evidence adduced as basis for these claims and assertions. The paper on aviation in ancient India presented at the Mumbai Congress by one Captain Anand J. Bordas, said to be a retired principal of a pilot training facility, may be taken as an illustrative case. Capt. Bordas’ passion for proclaiming the superiority of ancient Hindu civilization clearly exceeded his knowledge of both aeronautics and historiography. According to Capt Bordas, the claims about aircraft in the Vedic period were based on Sanskrit texts by the sage Bharadwaja, the putative progenitor of the gotra or clan by that name, “at least 7000 years ago.” The text in question, “Vymanika Prakaranam,” turns out to be one familiar to Indian scholars. It was seriously studied for over a year in 1974 by a team of scientists, engineers and Sanskrit scholars including renowned aerospace engineer Prof.H.S.Mukunda of the Indian Institute of Science, Bengaluru. The IISc study found that the text in Sanskrit and its translation into English authored by one G.R.Josyer, published around 1920, was written in contemporary rather than Vedic-period Sanskrit. As stated by Josyer in the book, the Sanskrit verses themselves had been dictated by one Subbaraya Shastry, who was given to similar flashes of inspiration, who had claimed in turn that they had been “revealed” to him by Sage Bharadwaja. After scrutiny of the different descriptions and drawings in the book, the IISc team concluded that the text showed “complete lack of understanding of the dynamics of the flight of heavier‐ than‐air craft,” defied all principles of aerodynamics, and “none of the planes [described or drawn] has properties or capabilities of being flown.” (Report of this IISc study is available with its authors) Captain Bordas basing his entire presentation on a single text stated to be a “revelation,” whose provenance itself is suspect or at least indeterminate, and which was not assessed critically, is a fatal flaw. To be taken seriously, historiography demands not only textual references, that too from multiple authenticated sources, but also requires support from other kinds of evidence such as artifacts, archeological finds and so on. In as complex a subject as aviation, there should surely also be some evidence from the period in question of knowledge and practices in aerodynamics, materials, manufacturing techniques and so on. The Hindutva champions, however, appear not to have any conception of, or to care much about, what constitutes acceptable evidence or how to assess evidentiary value. Hence the leap from the imaginative notion of god Ganesha having an elephant’s head to the inference that this “proves” knowledge of advanced cosmetic surgery in ancient India, and the leap from the legend of Karna’s immaculate conception or the birth of the Kauravas from parts of Kunti’s discarded womb to the conclusion that ancient India “must have known” of in vitro fertilization or stem-cell research. Half and half making one-and-a-half which is said to be four! Stories of immaculate conception abound in myths and legends across civilizations, and mythical half-man half-beasts too are very common in other ancient civilizations, for instance the Minotaur (head of a bull on body of a man), the Centaur (human face and neck, horse’s body), the Chimera (with a lion’s head and body, a goats head arising from the torso, and a snake for a tail). Did all these civilizations too have knowledge of cosmetic surgery? Was in vitro fertilization a universally known technique? The issue of antiquity When challenged thus, the Hindutva narrative skirts the question by asserting that whatever other civilizations may have known, India knew it first, among other reasons (such as the outstanding brilliance and far-sightedness of the ancient Hindus) because ancient Vedic civilization is the oldest in the world. The claim to antiquity of the Hindu civilization is in turn based on a far earlier date being ascribed to Vedic-Sanskritic texts without substantiation, and sometimes to taking literally the periodization claimed within the great epics, myths or legends, even while refuting the dating arrived at by historians. In the papers presented at the Congress, as well as in numerous other articles, books and Hindutva literature, the period 6,000-7,000 BC is frequently cited, in turn based on the Rig Veda or other text being ascribed to such a historical period. The dating of the Sushruta Samhita to “around 1500 BC” by the ayurvedic physician Dr.Sawant at the symposium, while most authorities put it at around 500-600 BC, also has no reasoning other than mere assertion. Most academic historians date the Rig Veda to roughly 1,200-2,000 BCE, which Hindutva proponents simply abhor, with Prof.Romila Thapar being their bête noir in this regard. Hindutva arguments in favour of dates several thousand years earlier, are mostly founded on suppositions and assertions, circular arguments such as dating Rama’s or Krishna’s time periods based astrological references in relevant epic literature, deducing a very early date from these, often taking literally a yuga-based age, and thus “showing” that the Rig Veda “could not possibly have been later” than this date and hence “must be” several thousand years before that! (Just google “Rig Veda date Romila Thapar” and see the Hindutva websites and blogs tumble out, full of assertions and vituperation against her and anybody else with a differing viewpoint!) It is way beyond the scope of this essay to delve into the dating question more thoroughly. Suffice it to say that the real issue is not the date itself but what methods are used to arrive at one, what evidence is used and whether this stands up to scrutiny according to accepted historiography. Let us turn our attention to the motivation for insisting on maximum antiquity for Vedic-Sanskritic Hinduism, particularly as gleaned through Sanskrit texts, and especially as regards science and technology and knowledge creation in general. Three major promptings may be identified and are briefly discussed here. Firstly, there is the familiar Hindutva project to galvanize “Hindu pride,” overcome past “humiliations” in the form of conquests or subjugation by outsiders of different faiths, and re-build confidence for the future, by projecting Vedic Hinduism as the most ancient, advanced and knowledgeable of all civilizations. But this Hindutva endeavour itself is not a new one, and harks back more than a century and a half to the early stages of the national movement in India against colonialism. These early efforts by intellectuals in India, and by several abroad, aimed to uncover and translate into European languages ancient Indian, mostly Sanskrit, texts in philosophy, metaphysics and the sciences so as to showcase the greatness of Indian civilization. Rediscovering ancient Indian knowledge and capabilities had an important role in the struggle against colonialism. (Franz Fanon’s brilliant essay ‘On National Culture’ in The Wretched of the Earth eloquently discusses this, and its pitfalls.) However, as so often happens in the midst of such revivalist fervour in India, there was also much myth-making, pseudo-history and “unearthing” of a mythical golden past with a common thread of placing all these events in an improbably ancient past. So pervasive and noticeable was this phenomenon that sociologists even coined a term for it: “ancientization”! Secondly, in the Hindutva version, this traditionalism is not just about nostalgia and projecting a past with great achievements, but also about promoting uncritical acceptance of the Hindutva version of Indian history. In the Hindutva narrative, most historians come with euro-centric baggage if they are Western or are “Macaulay putra,” sons of Macaulay. You don’t need evidence because we say it was so. Remember the debate on the historicity of the Ram Temple in Ayodhya? It is our faith that Rama was born at this very spot, therefore it MUST be so. Are the Hindutva forces heading in the same direction regarding science in ancient India? Is scientific evidence considered irrelevant in the face of belief, just as historical evidence is? Vedic-Sanskritic Exclusivity Thirdly, a little noticed aspect of the emphasis on Sanskrit texts. The obvious motivation here is that Sanskrit texts from ancient India would almost exclusively focus on Vedic or early Hinduism, not allowing any scope for distractions about what Indian thinkers learned from Greeks, Romans, Arabs, Persians and from Central Asia or China in the late ancient or medieval periods. The Hindutva narrative has no place for composite culture or even for cultural exchanges. And it speaks of Indian contributions to what was even in ancient times a global knowledge creation process, with all cultures learning from each other, as if others had stolen Indian knowledge as Dr.Harsh Vardhan alleged with regard to Algebra. Al Khwarizmi himself, who brought algebra to world attention and who is therefore often mistakenly credited with the innovation, generously acknowledged the Indian primacy. Similarly, the Arabic translation around 800 AD of the Sushruta Samhita is named Kitab-i-susrud. The exclusive attention paid to Sanskrit texts also completely ignores writings in Pali and Prakrit in ancient India, thus excluding epistemological and methodological streams from Jaina and Buddhist traditions. Reputed mathematics scholars and historians (see for instance S.G.Dani {Prof at TIFR, Mumbai}, “Ancient Indian mathematics: a conspectus,” available at http://www.ias.ac.in/resonance/Volumes/17/03/0236-0246.pdf and “Mathematics in India: 500 BCE-1800 CE” by Kim Plokfer, Princeton University Press, 2009; a highly instructive extract is available at http://press.princeton.edu/titles/8835.html) have argued that this would mean leaving out of consideration important knowledge and mathematical traditions since Jaina and Buddhist scholarship had several concerns that were significantly different from those of the Vedic Brahmins, such as a lack of interest in if not antipathy towards ritual performances which were major promptings for so much of Vedic mathematics. Whether deliberate or stemming from ignorance, this certainly echoes the insularity and arrogance of the eurocentrism that Hindutva forces love to decry. Of course, Hindutva proponents are fully capable of turning around and arguing that Buddhism and Jainism are after all part of the larger Hindu family, that all indigenous faiths are but Hinduism in different forms, never mind the bitter doctrinaire disputes and sometimes bloody rivalry between supporters of these different religions. Science in ancient India not unknown One of the key organizers of the special symposium at the Science Congress, Dr.Gauri Mahulikar of the Sanskrit Department, Mumbai University, which also vetted all the papers presented, stated that "so far, Sanskrit is essentially considered a language of religion and philosophy, but the fact is that it also talks about science including physics, chemistry, geography, geometry etc. There is a lot of scientific information available in these texts and historical documents that we want to explore." (Times of India, 3 Jan 2015). This strand of the Hindutva narrative that contributions of ancient India to science were totally suppressed or unknown until Hindutva proponents “discovered” them is bizarre. Like Columbus “discovering” America with numerous indigenous peoples already inhabiting it! One may just forgive Hindutva activists who perhaps learned everything on this subject only from shakhas or in books written by one of their own mentors. But surely those engaged in supposedly scholarly work, and eminent leaders, Ministers no less, should be more aware of, and at least not deny, the extensive work done by scholars in India and abroad on science in ancient India. This work, especially from the second half of the 20th century onwards, has been based on carefully evaluated evidence of different kinds from multiple sources, including texts in Sanskrit and other classical Indian languages, both in original and in translations in Arabic, Latin or other languages. The assiduous research reflected in the exhaustive work by D.D.Kosambi, D.P.Chattopadhyaya, J.D.Bernal, Joseph Needham (incidentally all Marxist scholars) and numerous others are too well known to need repetition. The first thing expected from serious scholars is a study of extant literature on the subject, and to begin where others have left off. To claim originality where none exists is the worst kind of academic and intellectual dishonesty. Is this the kind of thinking or scholarship that Hindutva leaders want to encourage? Or an example they wish to set for the country, especially the youth? If the Hindutva goal were simply to highlight achievements in ancient India, there is no shortage of real, pioneering knowledge creation, such as the orbital motion of the planets relative to the sun, the inclination of the earth’s axis, the place value system, early estimations of the value of π, the decimal system including the zero, algebra and different aspects of trigonometry and early forms of calculus, advances in medicine, metallurgy and so on. When all these exist and can be proudly proclaimed, regardless of childish me-first games which beyond a point do not further the understanding of either history or science, what is the need for Hindutva votaries to search for and assert fictitious or imaginary claims? Such fantastic claims only serve to devalue real achievements by reflecting scepticism from the former to the latter. Far from adding to the glory of Indian civilization, Hindutva advocates are embarrassing the nation and doing a huge disservice to its great contributions to science in ancient times and to the work Indian scientists are doing today. A couple of important aspects may be touched upon in conclusion. The very act of organizing the symposium at the 102nd Indian Science Congress portends bad days ahead for science in India. It shows that, contrary to the forward-looking development-oriented outlook that they proclaim, Hindutva forces do not mind causing immense damage to knowledge creation and to major scientific institutions in pursuit of their real ideological agenda. Truly worrying too is the silence of the Congress organizers, of scientists present there, and of premier scientific bodies, on this abuse of the Science Congress and the misuse of governmental power to impose this regressive agenda. People in India, especially the poor in rural and forest areas, have in the past few decades become resentful of various developmental programmes or projects that have adverse impacts on their lives, such as large dams, nuclear power plants, GM crops and foods, pesticides and other hazardous chemicals. People have also become deeply suspicious of what they regard as “sarkari (official) scientists” who are fielded by government to defend such projects and claim they pose no dangers, even when evidence and the opinion of other experts strongly indicate the opposite. This is leading to mounting distrust of science itself. The symposium at the Science Congress, the litany of unscientific comments by Ministers and other Hindutva leaders, and the mute response of establishment scientists towards these developments only add to the growing perception that scientists owe less allegiance to unbiased evidence-based findings and work than to tailoring their opinions according to the wishes of their political masters and kow-towing to them. The key point at issue about science in ancient India is not whether the Hindutva proponents are right or not about this or that claim. Such questions are not difficult to study and to answer, provided one follows well-known scientific procedures for conducting research, testing a hypothesis or floating one, and arriving at conclusions. Science and history are serious subjects, calling for rigour, openness, scrutiny by peers, and finally acceptance, rejection or modification of hypotheses. Mythologies are not the same as history, and can never have the same ontological status as science. In fact, one should not expect them to. Anthropologists have long argued that mythologies have a different social function, and their significance is not to be assessed by their historical “truth” value. Finally, the battle underway is not just science versus mythology, false claims against historical fact, but a battle for academic and intellectual rigour, for the method of science and of historiography, and ultimately for a scientific attitude and critical questioning, as against blind acceptance of authority whoever that may be or howsoever exalted. That last is the authoritarian road, which leads to a very bleak future, however glorious our past.